The U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) and World Food Programme (WFP) reported a serious food shortage in Myanmar (Burma) mainly affected by Cyclone Nargis devastation.
vdo Food Shortage in Burma (VOA Burmese)
January 31, 2009
1-8-36, Tatsumi, Room 406 Koto-Ku. 135-0053, Tokyo.Japan Tel: 03-6478-0940 E.Mail : knljapan@yahoo.com , http://www.knljapan.co.cc
Saturday, January 31, 2009
January 31 marks the 60th anniversary of one of Asia’s oldest rebel movements—the Karen National Union (KNU). It is a day commemorated by Karen people
January 31, 2009
Forever at the Frontline
January 31 marks the 60th anniversary of one of Asia’s oldest rebel movements—the Karen National Union (KNU). It is a day commemorated by Karen people all around the world.
Since it declared war on the central government in 1949—shortly after Burma declared independence from Great Britain—the KNU has faced a great many ups and downs during its six-decade fight for autonomy.
Forever at the Frontline
January 31 marks the 60th anniversary of one of Asia’s oldest rebel movements—the Karen National Union (KNU). It is a day commemorated by Karen people all around the world.
Since it declared war on the central government in 1949—shortly after Burma declared independence from Great Britain—the KNU has faced a great many ups and downs during its six-decade fight for autonomy.
A Karen soldier at the frontline. (Photo: Steve Sandford)It is undergone rifts and splits, and breakaway Karen groups have emerged. It suffered defeat at the hands of the Burmese army and in 1995 was forced to abandon its jungle fortress at Manerplaw on the Thai- Burmese border. Its aging leadership is fading away while the number of Karen refugees continues to grow. Discontent is high among the Karen population and thousands of families are currently resettling in Western countries under the auspices of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugee (UNHCR).However, unlike so many other armed insurgent groups, the KNU has steadfastly refused to sign a ceasefire agreement with the Rangoon government.
When the KNU’s founding father, Saw Ba U Gyi, established the rebel movement in 1949, he unveiled his “Four Principles” of resistance: “There shall be no surrender; The recognition of the Karen State must be completed; We shall retain our arms; and We shall decide our own political destiny.”
The KNU has locked itself to those principles through thick and thin for 60 years.
In 1995, the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) split from the KNU and joined forces with the Burmese army. Manerplaw fell soon after. The KNU, led by Gen Bo Mya, scattered while its civilian population joined the exodus into Thai border refugee camps. The KNU lost their only true sources of income: logging and taxation.
After fighting the Burmese army for 30 years, KNU commander Tha Mu He and hundreds of his followers surrendered to the regime in April 1997.
He told journalists and diplomats that he split from the KNU because of the failed peace talks between the Burmese junta and his mother organization in 1994 and the realization that the conflict would continue indefinitely.
Soldiers of the Karen National Liberation Army, the oldest rebel group, stand at parade arms at a base near the Thai-Burmese border. (Photo: Reuters)However, unlike so many other armed insurgent groups, the KNU has steadfastly refused to sign a ceasefire agreement with the Rangoon government.
When the KNU’s founding father, Saw Ba U Gyi, established the rebel movement in 1949, he unveiled his “Four Principles” of resistance: “There shall be no surrender; The recognition of the Karen State must be completed; We shall retain our arms; and We shall decide our own political destiny.”
The KNU has locked itself to those principles through thick and thin for 60 years.
In 1995, the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) split from the KNU and joined forces with the Burmese army. Manerplaw fell soon after. The KNU, led by Gen Bo Mya, scattered while its civilian population joined the exodus into Thai border refugee camps. The KNU lost their only true sources of income: logging and taxation.
After fighting the Burmese army for 30 years, KNU commander Tha Mu He and hundreds of his followers surrendered to the regime in April 1997.
He told journalists and diplomats that he split from the KNU because of the failed peace talks between the Burmese junta and his mother organization in 1994 and the realization that the conflict would continue indefinitely.One year later, Phado Aung San, a central executive member of the KNU, and hundreds of his followers also surrendered to the Rangoon government. He gave the same reasons for laying down his weapons as Tha Mu He had.
Then in early 2007, another splinter group reached a ceasefire agreement with the Burmese regime. Known as the KNU/ KNLA Peace Council and led by Maj-Gen Htein Maung, it included around 300 defecting KNU soldiers.Brig-Gen Johnny, head of KNLA Brigade 7, said that Karen breakaway leaders who had reached ceasefire agreements with the Burmese regime had betrayed their people and their comrades who had died for the Karen revolution.
“We have to carry on the unfinished duty for our people. If we give up, it is as if we were betraying our comrades and our leaders who have died for us,” said Brig-Gen Johnny.
“Our enemy [the Burmese military regime] is trying to divide us every day. We have to be united and always be careful,” he said.
Meanwhile, the DKBA has boasted that its forces will overrun the KNU’s military wing, the KNLA, by 2010.
The target of its operation would appear to be Kawkareik Township in southern Karen State, which is rich in gold, teak forest, antimony, zinc and tin. Sources from both the KNU and the DKBA circles have said that the DKBA seeks to control the regions that do business with the Thai authorities.
However, the KNU leadership, as always, remains resolute.
KNLA Battalion 201 Maj Bu Paw acknowledged recently that the DKBA would attack his battalion in Kawkareik and try to seize its military bases, but stated: “The DKBA can not defeat us.”Assassinations among the KNU and the breakaways groups have increased since 2007.
On February 14 last year, KNU General-Secretary Mahn Shah was gunned down by two men at his home in Mae Sot, Thailand.
Mahn Sha had been widely respected, not only by ethnic Karen people, but by most democratic alliance groups and individuals who have participated in the pro-democracy movement for Burma.
Aung Thu Nyein, a Burmese political analyst and former senior leader of the All Burma Students’ Democratic Front, blogged: “It is necessary for the new KNU leadership to quickly stop the assassinations and divisions among Karen people.
“It is time for the KNU to reestablish unity among the Karen people,” he said.
The newly appointed joint secretary (1), Maj Hla Ngwe, admitted the divisions among KNU leaders and said that the Burmese regime had cleverly manipulated the KNU.
“We have had weaknesses and divisions in the past. That is natural. It can happen in any party or organization. But, we should learn from these events and ensure it doesn’t happen in the future,” he said.
Brig-Gen Johnny agreed, but was more cynical. “It is not because our enemy is clever, it is because we are not clever,” he said.
Breakaway groups have been quick to criticizing their former patrons, claiming that they now enjoy improved living conditions.
DKBA Chairman Tha Htoo Kyaw once said that the KNU had been poor since 1949. He said that his followers who had settled in Myaing Gyi Ngu village, on the bank of the Salween River, enjoyed peace, an improving economy, proper education and a healthcare system since splitting from the KNU.
“The path we chose has been beneficial to the Karen in the area,” he was quoted as saying.
Meanwhile, several voices from the overseas Karen community have been vocal in criticizing the KNU leadership for its inactivity in both the political and military arenas.
Some claim that the KNU’s policy of self-defense is not enough to protect the Karen civilians and the impact on Karen civilians who are internally displaced in Karen State.
As the conflict between the Karen rebels and the Burmese army goes on, observers say the problem of internally displaced people (IDPs) and refugees will continue unabated.
There are about 451,000 IDPs in Karen State, according to a 2008-released report by the Thailand Burma Border Consortium (TBBC). The report stated that since 1996 about 3,300 villages in Karen State have been destroyed by the Burmese army and its allies.
Meanwhile, hundreds of Karen refugees from the nine refugee camps on the Thai-Burmese border resettle every year in third countries. About 32,000 refugees went overseas in 2008, according to TBBC.
“We want to say to the world that we only want peace,” said Myat San, an IDP from Ei Tu Hta camp on the banks of the Salween River. “We want to live in peace. We want to urge the world to push for the fall of military rule in Burma and create peace for us.”
According to Brig-Gen Johnny, the KNU and all the pro-democracy forces inside and outside Burma, including Buddhists monks and students, should speed up the movement for democracy in 2009 and boycott the junta’s multi-party election in 2010.
“If the junta wins the election, we [the opposition] will continue to be under the boots of the Burmese army,” he said.
“But if every single person knows their role in the democracy movement, the goal of the revolution will not be far away.”
The KNU has locked itself to those principles through thick and thin for 60 years.
In 1995, the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) split from the KNU and joined forces with the Burmese army. Manerplaw fell soon after. The KNU, led by Gen Bo Mya, scattered while its civilian population joined the exodus into Thai border refugee camps. The KNU lost their only true sources of income: logging and taxation.
After fighting the Burmese army for 30 years, KNU commander Tha Mu He and hundreds of his followers surrendered to the regime in April 1997.
He told journalists and diplomats that he split from the KNU because of the failed peace talks between the Burmese junta and his mother organization in 1994 and the realization that the conflict would continue indefinitely.One year later, Phado Aung San, a central executive member of the KNU, and hundreds of his followers also surrendered to the Rangoon government. He gave the same reasons for laying down his weapons as Tha Mu He had.
Then in early 2007, another splinter group reached a ceasefire agreement with the Burmese regime. Known as the KNU/ KNLA Peace Council and led by Maj-Gen Htein Maung, it included around 300 defecting KNU soldiers.Brig-Gen Johnny, head of KNLA Brigade 7, said that Karen breakaway leaders who had reached ceasefire agreements with the Burmese regime had betrayed their people and their comrades who had died for the Karen revolution.
“We have to carry on the unfinished duty for our people. If we give up, it is as if we were betraying our comrades and our leaders who have died for us,” said Brig-Gen Johnny.
“Our enemy [the Burmese military regime] is trying to divide us every day. We have to be united and always be careful,” he said.
Meanwhile, the DKBA has boasted that its forces will overrun the KNU’s military wing, the KNLA, by 2010.
The target of its operation would appear to be Kawkareik Township in southern Karen State, which is rich in gold, teak forest, antimony, zinc and tin. Sources from both the KNU and the DKBA circles have said that the DKBA seeks to control the regions that do business with the Thai authorities.
However, the KNU leadership, as always, remains resolute.
KNLA Battalion 201 Maj Bu Paw acknowledged recently that the DKBA would attack his battalion in Kawkareik and try to seize its military bases, but stated: “The DKBA can not defeat us.”Assassinations among the KNU and the breakaways groups have increased since 2007.
On February 14 last year, KNU General-Secretary Mahn Shah was gunned down by two men at his home in Mae Sot, Thailand.
Mahn Sha had been widely respected, not only by ethnic Karen people, but by most democratic alliance groups and individuals who have participated in the pro-democracy movement for Burma.
Aung Thu Nyein, a Burmese political analyst and former senior leader of the All Burma Students’ Democratic Front, blogged: “It is necessary for the new KNU leadership to quickly stop the assassinations and divisions among Karen people.
“It is time for the KNU to reestablish unity among the Karen people,” he said.
The newly appointed joint secretary (1), Maj Hla Ngwe, admitted the divisions among KNU leaders and said that the Burmese regime had cleverly manipulated the KNU.
“We have had weaknesses and divisions in the past. That is natural. It can happen in any party or organization. But, we should learn from these events and ensure it doesn’t happen in the future,” he said.
Brig-Gen Johnny agreed, but was more cynical. “It is not because our enemy is clever, it is because we are not clever,” he said.
Breakaway groups have been quick to criticizing their former patrons, claiming that they now enjoy improved living conditions.
DKBA Chairman Tha Htoo Kyaw once said that the KNU had been poor since 1949. He said that his followers who had settled in Myaing Gyi Ngu village, on the bank of the Salween River, enjoyed peace, an improving economy, proper education and a healthcare system since splitting from the KNU.
“The path we chose has been beneficial to the Karen in the area,” he was quoted as saying.
Meanwhile, several voices from the overseas Karen community have been vocal in criticizing the KNU leadership for its inactivity in both the political and military arenas.
Some claim that the KNU’s policy of self-defense is not enough to protect the Karen civilians and the impact on Karen civilians who are internally displaced in Karen State.
As the conflict between the Karen rebels and the Burmese army goes on, observers say the problem of internally displaced people (IDPs) and refugees will continue unabated.
There are about 451,000 IDPs in Karen State, according to a 2008-released report by the Thailand Burma Border Consortium (TBBC). The report stated that since 1996 about 3,300 villages in Karen State have been destroyed by the Burmese army and its allies.
Meanwhile, hundreds of Karen refugees from the nine refugee camps on the Thai-Burmese border resettle every year in third countries. About 32,000 refugees went overseas in 2008, according to TBBC.
“We want to say to the world that we only want peace,” said Myat San, an IDP from Ei Tu Hta camp on the banks of the Salween River. “We want to live in peace. We want to urge the world to push for the fall of military rule in Burma and create peace for us.”
According to Brig-Gen Johnny, the KNU and all the pro-democracy forces inside and outside Burma, including Buddhists monks and students, should speed up the movement for democracy in 2009 and boycott the junta’s multi-party election in 2010.
“If the junta wins the election, we [the opposition] will continue to be under the boots of the Burmese army,” he said.
“But if every single person knows their role in the democracy movement, the goal of the revolution will not be far away.”
အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္သူ ေသာက္သံုးမက်လို ကိုယ့္လူေတြ လူကုန္ေတြ အကူးခံရတာ ၀န္ခံေနျပီ။
Saturday, January 31, 2009 
"လြယ္လြယ္ မယုံပါနဲ႕" တ့ဲ၊ ဒီစကားေလးဟာ ဆန္းေတာ့ မဆန္းပါဘူး၊ ဒါေပမ့ဲ ဘန္ေကာက္ျမိဳ႕ရဲ႕ Immigration Office မွာ ဒီစာတန္းနဲ႕ ပုိစတာကုိ ခ်ိန္ဆြဲထားတာေတာ့ အရမ္းကုိ ဆန္းၾကယ္ေနပါတယ္၊ုကၽြန္ေတာ္ ဒီေန႕ ဗီဇာသက္တမ္းေနာက္တစ္နွစ္သြားတုိးပါတယ္၊ ရုံးထဲကုိ ၀င္စဥ္က အျခားေပါက္၀င္တာမွိဳ႕ ပုိစတာကုိ မေတြ႕မိခဲ့ပါဘူး၊ ျပန္အထြက္မွာေတာ့ ေတြ႕ခ့ဲပါတယ္၊ ဒါ့ေၾကာင့္ ပါလာတ့ဲ ကင္မရာေလး နဲ႕ တကူးတက ရုိက္ခ့ဲပါတယ္၊ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ သတိမထားမိစဥ္မွာပဲ ေနာက္က ပုလိပ္ေတြကူ ကၽြန္ေတာ့္ကုိၾကည့္ျပီး ျပံဳးစိစိလုပ္ေနၾကပါတယ္၊ ဒီကနဲကေတာ့ ဧကႏၱ ေရႊဗမာပဲလုိ႕ သိလုိ႕ျဖစ္ခ်င္ျဖစ္မယ္၊ ဒါမွမဟုတ္ အျခား မျမင္ႏုိင္တ့ဲ အေၾကာင္းေတြ ရွိလုိ႕လည္း ျဖစ္ႏုိင္ပါတယ္၊သူမ်ားႏုိင္ငံမွာ ျပီး........ ကမၻာအႏွံ႕က ႏုိင္ငံျခားသားေတြ ေန႕စဥ္ ေသာင္းနဲ႕ခ်ီျပီး ၀င္ထြက္ေနတ့ဲေနရာမွာ အခုလုိ ကုိယ့္ရဲ႕ မိခင္ဘာသာနဲ႕ေရးထားတ့ဲ ပုိစတာကုိေတြ႕မိေတာ့ စိတ္ထဲမွာ နားမလည္ႏုိင္တ့ဲ ခံစားမွဳ႕မ်ိဳး တကယ္ခံစားခဲ႔ရပါတယ္၊ အဲဒါဟာ ေကာင္းတ့ဲခံစားမွဳ႕မ်ိဳးလား၊ ခါးသီးတ့ဲ ခံစားမွဳ႕မ်ိဳးလားဆုိတာ ကုိယ္ကုိတုိင္ေတာင္ အခုထိမေသခ်ာပါဘူး၊ ဒါေပမ့ဲ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ အေကာင္းဘက္ကေတာ့ ေတြးၾကည့္မိပါတယ္၊ ဒုိ႕လူမ်ိဳးေတြ အလိမ္အညာမခံရေအာင္ သူတုိ႕က ဂရုတစုိက္နဲ႕ ႏိုးေဆာ္ေပးတယ္ေပါ့၊ခက္တာက သူငယ္ခ်င္းတုိ႕ေရ...ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႕လူမ်ိဳးေတြ ထုိင္းႏုိင္ငံမွာ တစ္သန္းေက်ာ္ရွိရာမွာ အဲဒီေနရာကုိသြားတာက တစ္ေသာင္းေတာင္ ျပည့္မယ္ မထင္ပါဘူး၊ ဒီေတာ့ သူတုိ႕ ဘာရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္နဲ႕ အခုလုိ သတိေပးပုိစတာေတြ ဒီလုိ ရုံးၾကီးမွာ ကပ္ထားၾကပါလဲ၊ ကၽြန္ေတာ့္ အေတြးေတြ လက္လွမ္းမမွီပါဘူး၊ ေဘာ္ဒါတုိ႕ဆက္ေတြးေပးၾကပါ၊ကၽြန္ေတာ္ရုိက္ခ့ဲတ့ဲ ဓာတ္ပုံမွာ ေအာက္ဆုံးက ဆက္သြယ္ဖုိ႕ အေရးေပၚဖုံးနံပတ္ က်န္ခ့ဲပါတယ္၊ အဲဒီအတြက္ ဒီမွာ ေရးေပးလုိက္ပါတယ္၊ ဆက္သြယ္ခ်င္ပါက--၁၁၇၈ ပါတ့ဲ၊ လူကုန္ကူးတာေတြ၊ မတရားဖိႏွိပ္ခံရတာေတြ အတြက္ တုိင္ၾကားဆက္သြယ္ခ်င္တယ္ဆုိယင္ေပါ့၊ကံဆုိးစြာနဲ႕ပဲ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႕လူမ်ိဳးေတြ ႏိုင္ငံျခားတုိင္းျပည္ေတြမွာ ညွင္းပန္းခံရ၊ အဖိႏွိပ္ခံရ၊ မတရားျပဳမူခံရတာ ေတြ ေန႕စဥ္နဲ႕အမွ် ၾကားေနရပါတယ္၊ ဟုိတေလာကဆုိယင္ အဖမ္းခံရတဲ့ စက္ရုံတစ္ရုံမွာ အလုပ္သမားေတြ အမ်ားၾကီးစုရုံးေစပါတယ္၊ ျပီး ပုလိပ္ေတြေျပာတာက "ကေမၻာဒီယားေတြ လာအုိေတြမလုိဘူး၊ သြား၊ ဗမာျပည္သား ေတြပဲ လုိတယ္" တ့ဲ၊ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ ဘာေျပာရမွန္း မသိေအာင္ ဆြံ႕အခဲ့ရပါတယ္၊ အဲဒါကုိ နား နဲ႕ ဆတ္ဆတ္ၾကားခ့ဲတ့ဲ သူငယ္ခ်င္းက ျပန္ေျပာျပတာပါ၊ဘယ္သူေတြမွာ တာ၀န္ရွိပါသလဲ ??? http://www.newbosom.co.cc/2009/01/blog-post_30.html မွ
Posted by အာဇာနည္ at 4:18 PM
"လြယ္လြယ္ မယုံပါနဲ႕" တ့ဲ၊ ဒီစကားေလးဟာ ဆန္းေတာ့ မဆန္းပါဘူး၊ ဒါေပမ့ဲ ဘန္ေကာက္ျမိဳ႕ရဲ႕ Immigration Office မွာ ဒီစာတန္းနဲ႕ ပုိစတာကုိ ခ်ိန္ဆြဲထားတာေတာ့ အရမ္းကုိ ဆန္းၾကယ္ေနပါတယ္၊ုကၽြန္ေတာ္ ဒီေန႕ ဗီဇာသက္တမ္းေနာက္တစ္နွစ္သြားတုိးပါတယ္၊ ရုံးထဲကုိ ၀င္စဥ္က အျခားေပါက္၀င္တာမွိဳ႕ ပုိစတာကုိ မေတြ႕မိခဲ့ပါဘူး၊ ျပန္အထြက္မွာေတာ့ ေတြ႕ခ့ဲပါတယ္၊ ဒါ့ေၾကာင့္ ပါလာတ့ဲ ကင္မရာေလး နဲ႕ တကူးတက ရုိက္ခ့ဲပါတယ္၊ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ သတိမထားမိစဥ္မွာပဲ ေနာက္က ပုလိပ္ေတြကူ ကၽြန္ေတာ့္ကုိၾကည့္ျပီး ျပံဳးစိစိလုပ္ေနၾကပါတယ္၊ ဒီကနဲကေတာ့ ဧကႏၱ ေရႊဗမာပဲလုိ႕ သိလုိ႕ျဖစ္ခ်င္ျဖစ္မယ္၊ ဒါမွမဟုတ္ အျခား မျမင္ႏုိင္တ့ဲ အေၾကာင္းေတြ ရွိလုိ႕လည္း ျဖစ္ႏုိင္ပါတယ္၊သူမ်ားႏုိင္ငံမွာ ျပီး........ ကမၻာအႏွံ႕က ႏုိင္ငံျခားသားေတြ ေန႕စဥ္ ေသာင္းနဲ႕ခ်ီျပီး ၀င္ထြက္ေနတ့ဲေနရာမွာ အခုလုိ ကုိယ့္ရဲ႕ မိခင္ဘာသာနဲ႕ေရးထားတ့ဲ ပုိစတာကုိေတြ႕မိေတာ့ စိတ္ထဲမွာ နားမလည္ႏုိင္တ့ဲ ခံစားမွဳ႕မ်ိဳး တကယ္ခံစားခဲ႔ရပါတယ္၊ အဲဒါဟာ ေကာင္းတ့ဲခံစားမွဳ႕မ်ိဳးလား၊ ခါးသီးတ့ဲ ခံစားမွဳ႕မ်ိဳးလားဆုိတာ ကုိယ္ကုိတုိင္ေတာင္ အခုထိမေသခ်ာပါဘူး၊ ဒါေပမ့ဲ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ အေကာင္းဘက္ကေတာ့ ေတြးၾကည့္မိပါတယ္၊ ဒုိ႕လူမ်ိဳးေတြ အလိမ္အညာမခံရေအာင္ သူတုိ႕က ဂရုတစုိက္နဲ႕ ႏိုးေဆာ္ေပးတယ္ေပါ့၊ခက္တာက သူငယ္ခ်င္းတုိ႕ေရ...ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႕လူမ်ိဳးေတြ ထုိင္းႏုိင္ငံမွာ တစ္သန္းေက်ာ္ရွိရာမွာ အဲဒီေနရာကုိသြားတာက တစ္ေသာင္းေတာင္ ျပည့္မယ္ မထင္ပါဘူး၊ ဒီေတာ့ သူတုိ႕ ဘာရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္နဲ႕ အခုလုိ သတိေပးပုိစတာေတြ ဒီလုိ ရုံးၾကီးမွာ ကပ္ထားၾကပါလဲ၊ ကၽြန္ေတာ့္ အေတြးေတြ လက္လွမ္းမမွီပါဘူး၊ ေဘာ္ဒါတုိ႕ဆက္ေတြးေပးၾကပါ၊ကၽြန္ေတာ္ရုိက္ခ့ဲတ့ဲ ဓာတ္ပုံမွာ ေအာက္ဆုံးက ဆက္သြယ္ဖုိ႕ အေရးေပၚဖုံးနံပတ္ က်န္ခ့ဲပါတယ္၊ အဲဒီအတြက္ ဒီမွာ ေရးေပးလုိက္ပါတယ္၊ ဆက္သြယ္ခ်င္ပါက--၁၁၇၈ ပါတ့ဲ၊ လူကုန္ကူးတာေတြ၊ မတရားဖိႏွိပ္ခံရတာေတြ အတြက္ တုိင္ၾကားဆက္သြယ္ခ်င္တယ္ဆုိယင္ေပါ့၊ကံဆုိးစြာနဲ႕ပဲ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႕လူမ်ိဳးေတြ ႏိုင္ငံျခားတုိင္းျပည္ေတြမွာ ညွင္းပန္းခံရ၊ အဖိႏွိပ္ခံရ၊ မတရားျပဳမူခံရတာ ေတြ ေန႕စဥ္နဲ႕အမွ် ၾကားေနရပါတယ္၊ ဟုိတေလာကဆုိယင္ အဖမ္းခံရတဲ့ စက္ရုံတစ္ရုံမွာ အလုပ္သမားေတြ အမ်ားၾကီးစုရုံးေစပါတယ္၊ ျပီး ပုလိပ္ေတြေျပာတာက "ကေမၻာဒီယားေတြ လာအုိေတြမလုိဘူး၊ သြား၊ ဗမာျပည္သား ေတြပဲ လုိတယ္" တ့ဲ၊ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ ဘာေျပာရမွန္း မသိေအာင္ ဆြံ႕အခဲ့ရပါတယ္၊ အဲဒါကုိ နား နဲ႕ ဆတ္ဆတ္ၾကားခ့ဲတ့ဲ သူငယ္ခ်င္းက ျပန္ေျပာျပတာပါ၊ဘယ္သူေတြမွာ တာ၀န္ရွိပါသလဲ ??? http://www.newbosom.co.cc/2009/01/blog-post_30.html မွ
Posted by အာဇာနည္ at 4:18 PM
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ရန္ကုန္တြင္ ဘိန္းျဖဴမ်ား ဖမ္းမိ
Friday, 30 January 2009 18:45 ကိုစိုး
ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕ ေအးရွားေ၀ါလ္ ဆိပ္ကမ္းကေန ျပည္ပထြက္ခြာ သေဘာၤ တစင္းေပၚတြင္ ဇန္န၀ါရီ ၂၅ ရက္ေန႔က အနည္းဆုံး ဘိန္းျဖဴ ၂၉ ကီလိုဂရမ္ကို မူးယစ္ ဗဟုိက ဖမ္းဆီးခဲ့ေၾကာင္း ရဲအဖြဲ႕ႏွင့္ အေကာက္ခြန္ အသိုင္းအ၀န္း မွ သိရသည္။
အဆိုပါ ဘိန္းျဖဴမ်ား ဖမ္းဆီးရမိသည့္ သတင္းအား ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ မႈခင္းတပ္ဖြဲ႕ ရဲမႉး သိန္း၀င္းကို ဧရာ၀တီက ဆက္သြယ္ေမးျမန္းရာတြင္ မွန္ကန္ေၾကာင္းေျပာဆိုၿပီး ယခုဖမ္းဆီးမႈမွာ မူးယစ္ ဗဟိုက တိုက္႐ိုက္ ဖမ္းဆီး ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္ဟု ဆုိသည္။ “အဲဒါက မူးယစ္ဗဟိုက တိုက္ရိုက္လုပ္တာ၊ သူတို႔ကို ေမးမွရမယ္၊ က်ေနာ္တို႔ဖမ္းတာမဟုတ္ေတာ့ က်ေနာ္တို႔ ဆီမွာ အျပည့္အစုံမရွိဘူး၊ မူးယစ္ဗဟို အထက္က ဖမ္းတာ”ဟု ၎က ေျပာသည္။ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ မူးယစ္ေဆး၀ါးႏွင့္ စိတ္ကိုေျပာင္းလဲေစေသာ ေဆး၀ါးမ်ားအႏၲရာယ္ တားဆီးကာကြယ္ေရး ဗဟုိအဖြဲ႕ (မူးယစ္ဗဟုိ)သုိ႔ ဧရာ၀တီက တယ္လီဖုန္းျဖင့္ ဆက္သြယ္ခဲ့ေသာ္လည္း အဆက္အသြယ္ မရရွိေပ။ယခုဖမ္းဆီးရမိသည့္ ဘိန္းျဖဴမ်ား တင္ေဆာင္ထားေသာ သေဘာၤမွာ စကၤာပူအလံတပ္ထားသည့္ ကုိတာ တီဂက္ (Kota Tegap)အမည္ရွိ သေဘာၤျဖစ္ၿပီး ဘိန္းျဖဴမ်ား သုိ၀ွက္ထားေသာ ကြန္တိန္နာ ကုန္ေသတၱာသည္ ျမန္မာစစ္ အစိုးရ၏ ျမန္မာ့သစ္လုပ္ငန္းပိုင္ေသတၱာျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ယေန႔နံနက္ပိုင္းတြင္ အာအက္ဖ္ေအ သတင္းဌာနကလည္း ထုတ္ျပန္ခဲ့သည္။ယင္းသေဘာၤသည္ ရန္ကုန္ အလုံၿမိဳ႕နယ္ရွိ ေအးရွားေ၀ါလ္ ဆိပ္ကမ္းတြင္ ကုန္တင္ၿပီးျပန္ထြက္လာသည္ဟု သိရ သည္။ေအးရွားေ၀ါလ္ ကုမၸဏီသည္ ဘိန္းဘုရင္ ေလာ္စစ္ဟန္၏ သားျဖစ္သူ စတီဗင္ေလာ ေခၚ ဦးထြန္းျမင့္ႏိုင္၏ ကုမၸဏီျဖစ္ၿပီး ယင္းကုမၸဏီကုိ အေမရိကန္ အစိုးရက ဘ႑ာေရးအရ ပိတ္ဆို႔အေရးယူမႈ ျပဳလုပ္ထားသည္။ဘိန္းျဖဴမ်ား သို၀ွက္ထားသည့္ အဆိုပါ ကုန္ေသတၱာကို သံႀကိဳးမ်ားျဖင့္တုပ္ေႏွာင္၍ ေသာ့အထပ္ထပ္ခပ္ ထား ေၾကာင္း၊ ဆိပ္ကမ္းအခြန္ဌာနမွ စစ္ေဆးျခင္းမရွိဘဲ သယ္ေဆာင္ခြင့္ျပဳထားျခင္းျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း၊ အစိုးရ ကုန္ေသတၱာ ထုတ္ပိုးေရးဌာနမွ ၀န္ထမ္းမ်ားကိုလည္း ထိန္းသိမ္းထားေၾကာင္း ရန္ကုန္ ဆိပ္ကမ္း အခြန္ႀကီးၾကပ္ေရး ၀န္ထမ္း သတင္းရပ္ကြက္မွ သိရသည္။ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕ အလုံၿမိဳ႕နယ္ရွိ ေအးရွားေ၀ါလ္ ဆိပ္ကမ္းမွ ယခုဖမ္းဆီးရမိသည့္ ဘိန္းျဖဴမွာ ၂၉ ကီလိုဂရမ္ ေက်ာ္သာ ျဖစ္သည္ဟု သိရေၾကာင္း ရန္ကုန္ ဆိပ္ကမ္း တာ၀န္က် ရဲတပ္ဖြဲ႕၀င္ တဦးက ေျပာျပသည္။ “အဲဒါေတြက မူးယစ္ဗဟိုက စစ္ေနတယ္၊ တရားခံေတြလည္း မူးယစ္ ဗဟုိမွာပဲ၊ အတိက်ကေတာ့ အမႈစစ္ေတြမွ သိမယ္”ဟု ၎က ေျပာသည္။ ထို႔အျပင္ ေအးရွားေ၀ါလ္ ဆိပ္ကမ္း ဖမ္းဆီးမႈႏွင့္တရက္တည္း လိႈင္သာယာၿမိဳ႕နယ္ရွိ FMI City အိမ္ရာ ၀င္း အတြင္း၌ မူးယစ္ဗဟုိက ဘိန္းျဖဴမ်ား ဖမ္းဆီးရမိသြားေၾကာင္း လွႈိင္သာယာ ရဲစခန္းမွ တာ၀န္က် တပ္ဖြဲ႕၀င္ တဦးကလည္း ေျပာသည္။“မူးယစ္က လာဖမ္းတာ၊ ဘယ္ေလာက္မိသလဲေတာ့ အေသအခ်ာ မသိဘူး၊ မူးယစ္ကေန ကြင္းဆက္နဲ႔ လိုက္ၿပီး ဖမ္းသြားတာ၊ တနဂၤေႏြေန႔က ျဖစ္မယ္ ၅ ရက္ ၆ ရက္ေလာက္ရွိၿပီ ၊ FMI ၀င္းထဲက ဖမ္းသြားတာ၊ ညပိုင္းႀကီး ၀င္ဖမ္းသြားတာ”ဟု အထက္ပါ လႈိင္သာယာ ရဲ တပ္ဖြဲ႕၀င္က ဆုိသည္။ ထိုသို႔ ဖမ္းဆီးရမိသည့္ ဘိန္းျဖဴဳအမႈတြင္ ပါ၀င္ပတ္သက္သူမ်ားႏွင့္ သတင္း အေသးစိတ္ကို ဧရာ၀တီ က ဆက္လက္ စုံးစမ္းေနဆဲျဖစ္ၿပီး ထူးျခားပါက ထပ္မံေဖာ္ျပသြားမည္။ တခ်ိန္တည္းတြင္ စကၤာပူႏိုင္ငံ မူးယစ္ေဆး၀ါးတိုက္ဖ်က္ေရး ဗဟုိအဖြဲ႕ကလည္း ၿပီးခဲ့သည့္ ႏွစ္အတြင္း ဘိန္းျဖဴ ၄၄.၂ ကီလို ဂရမ္ ဖမ္းဆီးရမိခဲ့ၿပီး ၂၀၀၇ ခုႏွစ္အတြင္းကလည္း ဘိန္းျဖဴ ၁၇.၂ ကီလို ဂရမ္ႏွင့္ အထက္ ဖမ္းဆီး ရမိေၾကာင္း စကၤပူ ႏုိင္ငံထုတ္ စထရိတ္တိုင္းမ္စ္ သတင္းစာတြင္ ေဖာ္ျပထားသည္။၂၀၀၈ ခုႏွစ္ ကမၻာ့မူးယစ္ေဆး၀ါးႏွင့္ပတ္သက္သည့္ အစီရင္ခံစာအရ အေရွ႕ေတာင္အာရွ ဘိန္းစိုက္ပ်ိဳး ထုတ္လုပ္မႈသည္ ၿပီးခဲ့သည့္ ႏွစ္အတြင္း ၂၂ ရာခိုင္ႏႈန္းတိုးလာခဲ့ရာ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံက ဘိန္းျဖဴ ၂၉ ရာခိုင္နႈန္း အထြက္တိုးလာေသာေၾကာင့္ဟု သိရသည္။ျမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရကလည္း ၂၀၀၇ ခုႏွစ္ ဇန္န၀ါရီမွ ၂၀၀၈ ခု ဇြန္လ အတြင္း ဘိန္းျဖဴ ၁၀၃.၈ ကီလိုဂရမ္ ႏွင့္ ၁၆၉၀ ကီလို ဂရမ္ ဖမ္းဆီးရမိ ေၾကာင္း တရား၀င္ ထုတ္ျပန္ထားသည္။
ရန္ကုန္တြင္ ဘိန္းျဖဴမ်ား ဖမ္းမိ
Friday, 30 January 2009 18:45 ကိုစိုး
ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕ ေအးရွားေ၀ါလ္ ဆိပ္ကမ္းကေန ျပည္ပထြက္ခြာ သေဘာၤ တစင္းေပၚတြင္ ဇန္န၀ါရီ ၂၅ ရက္ေန႔က အနည္းဆုံး ဘိန္းျဖဴ ၂၉ ကီလိုဂရမ္ကို မူးယစ္ ဗဟုိက ဖမ္းဆီးခဲ့ေၾကာင္း ရဲအဖြဲ႕ႏွင့္ အေကာက္ခြန္ အသိုင္းအ၀န္း မွ သိရသည္။
အဆိုပါ ဘိန္းျဖဴမ်ား ဖမ္းဆီးရမိသည့္ သတင္းအား ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ မႈခင္းတပ္ဖြဲ႕ ရဲမႉး သိန္း၀င္းကို ဧရာ၀တီက ဆက္သြယ္ေမးျမန္းရာတြင္ မွန္ကန္ေၾကာင္းေျပာဆိုၿပီး ယခုဖမ္းဆီးမႈမွာ မူးယစ္ ဗဟိုက တိုက္႐ိုက္ ဖမ္းဆီး ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္ဟု ဆုိသည္။ “အဲဒါက မူးယစ္ဗဟိုက တိုက္ရိုက္လုပ္တာ၊ သူတို႔ကို ေမးမွရမယ္၊ က်ေနာ္တို႔ဖမ္းတာမဟုတ္ေတာ့ က်ေနာ္တို႔ ဆီမွာ အျပည့္အစုံမရွိဘူး၊ မူးယစ္ဗဟို အထက္က ဖမ္းတာ”ဟု ၎က ေျပာသည္။ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ မူးယစ္ေဆး၀ါးႏွင့္ စိတ္ကိုေျပာင္းလဲေစေသာ ေဆး၀ါးမ်ားအႏၲရာယ္ တားဆီးကာကြယ္ေရး ဗဟုိအဖြဲ႕ (မူးယစ္ဗဟုိ)သုိ႔ ဧရာ၀တီက တယ္လီဖုန္းျဖင့္ ဆက္သြယ္ခဲ့ေသာ္လည္း အဆက္အသြယ္ မရရွိေပ။ယခုဖမ္းဆီးရမိသည့္ ဘိန္းျဖဴမ်ား တင္ေဆာင္ထားေသာ သေဘာၤမွာ စကၤာပူအလံတပ္ထားသည့္ ကုိတာ တီဂက္ (Kota Tegap)အမည္ရွိ သေဘာၤျဖစ္ၿပီး ဘိန္းျဖဴမ်ား သုိ၀ွက္ထားေသာ ကြန္တိန္နာ ကုန္ေသတၱာသည္ ျမန္မာစစ္ အစိုးရ၏ ျမန္မာ့သစ္လုပ္ငန္းပိုင္ေသတၱာျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ယေန႔နံနက္ပိုင္းတြင္ အာအက္ဖ္ေအ သတင္းဌာနကလည္း ထုတ္ျပန္ခဲ့သည္။ယင္းသေဘာၤသည္ ရန္ကုန္ အလုံၿမိဳ႕နယ္ရွိ ေအးရွားေ၀ါလ္ ဆိပ္ကမ္းတြင္ ကုန္တင္ၿပီးျပန္ထြက္လာသည္ဟု သိရ သည္။ေအးရွားေ၀ါလ္ ကုမၸဏီသည္ ဘိန္းဘုရင္ ေလာ္စစ္ဟန္၏ သားျဖစ္သူ စတီဗင္ေလာ ေခၚ ဦးထြန္းျမင့္ႏိုင္၏ ကုမၸဏီျဖစ္ၿပီး ယင္းကုမၸဏီကုိ အေမရိကန္ အစိုးရက ဘ႑ာေရးအရ ပိတ္ဆို႔အေရးယူမႈ ျပဳလုပ္ထားသည္။ဘိန္းျဖဴမ်ား သို၀ွက္ထားသည့္ အဆိုပါ ကုန္ေသတၱာကို သံႀကိဳးမ်ားျဖင့္တုပ္ေႏွာင္၍ ေသာ့အထပ္ထပ္ခပ္ ထား ေၾကာင္း၊ ဆိပ္ကမ္းအခြန္ဌာနမွ စစ္ေဆးျခင္းမရွိဘဲ သယ္ေဆာင္ခြင့္ျပဳထားျခင္းျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း၊ အစိုးရ ကုန္ေသတၱာ ထုတ္ပိုးေရးဌာနမွ ၀န္ထမ္းမ်ားကိုလည္း ထိန္းသိမ္းထားေၾကာင္း ရန္ကုန္ ဆိပ္ကမ္း အခြန္ႀကီးၾကပ္ေရး ၀န္ထမ္း သတင္းရပ္ကြက္မွ သိရသည္။ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕ အလုံၿမိဳ႕နယ္ရွိ ေအးရွားေ၀ါလ္ ဆိပ္ကမ္းမွ ယခုဖမ္းဆီးရမိသည့္ ဘိန္းျဖဴမွာ ၂၉ ကီလိုဂရမ္ ေက်ာ္သာ ျဖစ္သည္ဟု သိရေၾကာင္း ရန္ကုန္ ဆိပ္ကမ္း တာ၀န္က် ရဲတပ္ဖြဲ႕၀င္ တဦးက ေျပာျပသည္။ “အဲဒါေတြက မူးယစ္ဗဟိုက စစ္ေနတယ္၊ တရားခံေတြလည္း မူးယစ္ ဗဟုိမွာပဲ၊ အတိက်ကေတာ့ အမႈစစ္ေတြမွ သိမယ္”ဟု ၎က ေျပာသည္။ ထို႔အျပင္ ေအးရွားေ၀ါလ္ ဆိပ္ကမ္း ဖမ္းဆီးမႈႏွင့္တရက္တည္း လိႈင္သာယာၿမိဳ႕နယ္ရွိ FMI City အိမ္ရာ ၀င္း အတြင္း၌ မူးယစ္ဗဟုိက ဘိန္းျဖဴမ်ား ဖမ္းဆီးရမိသြားေၾကာင္း လွႈိင္သာယာ ရဲစခန္းမွ တာ၀န္က် တပ္ဖြဲ႕၀င္ တဦးကလည္း ေျပာသည္။“မူးယစ္က လာဖမ္းတာ၊ ဘယ္ေလာက္မိသလဲေတာ့ အေသအခ်ာ မသိဘူး၊ မူးယစ္ကေန ကြင္းဆက္နဲ႔ လိုက္ၿပီး ဖမ္းသြားတာ၊ တနဂၤေႏြေန႔က ျဖစ္မယ္ ၅ ရက္ ၆ ရက္ေလာက္ရွိၿပီ ၊ FMI ၀င္းထဲက ဖမ္းသြားတာ၊ ညပိုင္းႀကီး ၀င္ဖမ္းသြားတာ”ဟု အထက္ပါ လႈိင္သာယာ ရဲ တပ္ဖြဲ႕၀င္က ဆုိသည္။ ထိုသို႔ ဖမ္းဆီးရမိသည့္ ဘိန္းျဖဴဳအမႈတြင္ ပါ၀င္ပတ္သက္သူမ်ားႏွင့္ သတင္း အေသးစိတ္ကို ဧရာ၀တီ က ဆက္လက္ စုံးစမ္းေနဆဲျဖစ္ၿပီး ထူးျခားပါက ထပ္မံေဖာ္ျပသြားမည္။ တခ်ိန္တည္းတြင္ စကၤာပူႏိုင္ငံ မူးယစ္ေဆး၀ါးတိုက္ဖ်က္ေရး ဗဟုိအဖြဲ႕ကလည္း ၿပီးခဲ့သည့္ ႏွစ္အတြင္း ဘိန္းျဖဴ ၄၄.၂ ကီလို ဂရမ္ ဖမ္းဆီးရမိခဲ့ၿပီး ၂၀၀၇ ခုႏွစ္အတြင္းကလည္း ဘိန္းျဖဴ ၁၇.၂ ကီလို ဂရမ္ႏွင့္ အထက္ ဖမ္းဆီး ရမိေၾကာင္း စကၤပူ ႏုိင္ငံထုတ္ စထရိတ္တိုင္းမ္စ္ သတင္းစာတြင္ ေဖာ္ျပထားသည္။၂၀၀၈ ခုႏွစ္ ကမၻာ့မူးယစ္ေဆး၀ါးႏွင့္ပတ္သက္သည့္ အစီရင္ခံစာအရ အေရွ႕ေတာင္အာရွ ဘိန္းစိုက္ပ်ိဳး ထုတ္လုပ္မႈသည္ ၿပီးခဲ့သည့္ ႏွစ္အတြင္း ၂၂ ရာခိုင္ႏႈန္းတိုးလာခဲ့ရာ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံက ဘိန္းျဖဴ ၂၉ ရာခိုင္နႈန္း အထြက္တိုးလာေသာေၾကာင့္ဟု သိရသည္။ျမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရကလည္း ၂၀၀၇ ခုႏွစ္ ဇန္န၀ါရီမွ ၂၀၀၈ ခု ဇြန္လ အတြင္း ဘိန္းျဖဴ ၁၀၃.၈ ကီလိုဂရမ္ ႏွင့္ ၁၆၉၀ ကီလို ဂရမ္ ဖမ္းဆီးရမိ ေၾကာင္း တရား၀င္ ထုတ္ျပန္ထားသည္။
နအဖနဲ႔ ေရွ႔သြားေနာက္လိုက္ညီေနတဲ့ ဒီေကဘီေအ အေၾကာင္း
January 31, 2009
ဘ၀တစ္ေကြ႔မွ ေတာ္လွန္ေရး အမွတ္အသားမ်ား - အပိုင္း(၂)
နအဖနဲ႔ ေရွ႔သြားေနာက္လိုက္ညီေနတဲ့ ဒီေကဘီေအ အေၾကာင္း
ေပးပုိ႔သူ - ကိုမိုးေအး
ေက်ာက္ေခတ္ဆိုတာက ဒီဘက္မွာ နယ္စပ္၊အုန္းဖန္နဲ႔ နီးတယ္။ အုန္းဖန္ကေနၿပီး သြားရတယ္။ အုန္းဖန္ ကေနၿပီး သြားရင္ ဟိုဘက္မွာ ၀င္းနႏၵာတု႔ိ ေက်ာက္ခတ္တုိ႔ေရာက္ေရာ။ အုန္းဖန္နားက ထြက္ရင္ေတာ့ နယ္စပ္ေရာက္တာေပ့ါ။ ရြာေဟာင္းဘဲေလ၊ အခုအခ်ိန္မွာေတာ့ စခန္း ေတြ က်သြားၿပီ။ တုိက္ပြဲေတြကို အမ်ားႀကီး ကြ်န္ေတာ္တို႔ ၾကံဳခဲ့ရတယ္။ မမွတ္မိတာေတြလည္းရွိတယ္။ ရြာထဲမွာ ၀င္ေဆာ္တဲ့ ပြဲလည္းရွိတယ္။
ေ၀ါေလမွာ ျဖစ္ခဲ့တာေလး ေျပာျပအံုးမယ္။အဲဒီအခ်ိန္က ကြ်န္ေတာ္တုိ႔ တပ္ဖြဲ႔က မူးယစ္ေဆး၀ါး ႏိွမ္နင္းေရးအထူးတပ္ဖြဲ႔ ေပါ့။
အဲဒီအခ်ိန္မွာ DKBA မွ ႏႈတ္ခမ္းေမႊးကေနၿပီးေတာ့ ေနာက္ေန႔က်လို႔ရိွရင္ ထုိင္းနယ္စပ္ဘက္ကို ျမင္းေဆးတုိ႔ ရာမတုိ႔ ပို႔ေတာ့မယ္။ အဲဒီ သတင္းၾကားေတာ့ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တုိ႔က ေက်ာက္ခတ္ကေနၿပီး ည ၉း၀၀ နာရီေပ့ါ။ ေက်ာက္ခတ္ကေနၿပီး ခရီးစထြက္တယ္။ အဲဒီမွာ အင္အား အေယာက္ (၄၀) ေက်ာ္ေလာက္ရိွမယ္။ ကားေတြ အကူအညီ ေတာင္းၿပီးေတာ့ ေ၀ါေလဘက္ကို သြားတယ္။ ၂၀၀၁ ဒီဇင္ဘာလထဲမွာ အဲဒီအခ်ိန္က အရမ္းေအးတဲ့ အခ်ိန္ေလ။ ေသာင္းရင္းျမစ္ကုိ ျဖတ္ရတယ္။ ေရကလည္း ေမးေစ့ျမဳပ္တယ္။ မယ္ကုဘက္ သြားတဲ့ လမ္းတစ္လမ္း ရွိတယ္။ အဲဒီကေနၿပီး ၀င္သြားရတယ္။ ေ၀ါေလဘက္ကို ျဖတ္တာ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တို႔ အဲဒီကို ေရာက္ေတာ့ ည ၁၀း၀၀ နာရီေလာက္ေရာက္တယ္။ အဲဒီ ကမ္းနားကို ေခ်ာင္းေတြ ဘာေတြ ျဖတ္ၿပီးေတာ့ ဟုိကို ၁၂း၃၀ နာရီ ေက်ာ္ေက်ာ္ ေရာက္တယ္။ ေ၀ါေလရြာကို ေရာက္တယ္။ေ၀ါေလရြာဆုိတာ ႏႈတ္ခမ္းေမႊးတို႔ ျမင္းေဆးထားတဲ့ေနရာေပ့ါ။ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တို႔ အစီအစဥ္က ည ၁း၃၀ နာရီမွာ စမယ္ေပါ့။ ကြ်န္ေတာ္က ေသနတ္ စေဖာက္မယ္။ အဲဒီမွာ RPJ 7 ခ်ည္းဘဲ (၈) လက္၊ M 40 က (၁၂) လက္ေလာက္ ရွိမယ္။ အဲဒီ ေ၀ါေလစခန္းကို သြားၿဖိဳဖုိ႔ဟာ အဲဒီမွာ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တုိ႔ သတင္းၾကားထားတာက ရန္သူစစ္ေၾကာင္း မရွိဘူး။ အဲဒါနဲ႔ ည ၁း၃၀ နာရီမွာ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တုိ႔ က်ည္စေဖါက္တယ္။ အဲဒီမွာ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တုိ႔ ဆီက အထူးတပ္ရင္းမွာ ခြဲ (၁)၊ ခြဲ (၂)၊ ခြဲ (၃) တုိ႔နဲ႔ KNU တပ္ရင္း (၁၀၁) တို႔နဲ႔ ပူးေပါင္းထားတာေပ့ါ။ အဲဒီ စစ္ဆင္ေရး ဦးေဆာင္တာက အထူးတပ္ရင္း တပ္ခြဲမွဴး ဗုိလ္ေအာင္တင့္လြင္ ျဖစ္တယ္။
တပ္အစံုပါဘဲ. KNU ထဲက လူေတြ သြားၾကတယ္။ ည ၁း၃၀ နာရီေလာက္က်ေတာ့ စေဖါက္ေရာ၊ အဲဒီမွာ ဘုန္းႀကီးေက်ာင္းမွာ ဘာပြဲ တစ္ခု လုပ္လဲမသိဘူး။ ႏႈတ္ခမ္းေမႊး စခန္းခ်ထားတဲ့ေနရာနဲ႔ ဘုန္းႀကီးေက်ာင္းနဲ႔ နည္းနည္းေလးဘဲ ကြာတယ္။ မီတာ (၂၀၀) ေလာက္ပဲ ကြာမယ္။
အဲဒီမွာ ကာရာအုိေက သီခ်င္းဆုိတဲ့ဆိုင္နဲ႔ ေစ်းတန္းေတြေပါ့.. ကြ်န္ေတာ္က ႏႈတ္ခမ္းေမႊးအိမ္နဲ႔ မီတာ (၁၀၀) အကြာေလာက္မွာ ေနရာယူထားတယ္။ အျပည့္ပဲေပ့ါ။ အဲဒီအခ်ိန္မွာ ကံဆုိးတာက ကြ်န္ေတာ္တုိ႔ မသိလိုက္ဘူး။ ရန္သူ စစ္ေၾကာင္း သံုးေၾကာင္းက အဲဒီရြာကို ေရာက္ေနတယ္။ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တုိ႔ စေဖာက္တာေပ့ါ။ ၿခိမး္ၿခိမ္းဆုိၿပီးေတာ့ စေဖာက္တဲ့အခ်ိန္မွာ ဘုန္းႀကီးေက်ာင္းဘက္က လက္နက္ငယ္သံ ထြက္လာတယ္။ ဒုန္းဒုန္းဒုန္း ဆုိေတာ့ ကြ်န္ေတာ့္ဆီမွာ တာ၀န္ယူထားတာကေတာ့ ဗိုလ္တစ္ေယာက္ေပ့ါ။ အဲဒီဘက္ကုိ သြားမပစ္နဲ႔ အဲဒီဘက္မွာ ဘုန္းႀကီးေက်ာင္း ရွိတယ္။ ဒီဘက္ဘဲ ပစ္ဆုိေတာ့ ဒီဘက္မွန္းပစ္တယ္။ ႏႈတ္ခမ္းေမႊး ဘက္ပဲ ပစ္လိုက္တယ္။ ၿပိဳင္ပစ္တာေလ။ ၁..၂.. ၃ ဆုိတာနဲ႔ RPJ 7 ေတြေရာ လက္နက္ငယ္ေတြေရာ အားလံုးဘဲ M 79 ေတြေရာ အကုန္လံုး ေဖါက္ပစ္တယ္။ တေအာင့္ေနေတာ့ ရန္သူဘက္က ျပန္ပစ္ေရာ၊ သူတုိ႔ စိတ္ထဲမွာ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တုိ႔က အေ၀းႀကီးမွာ ရွိတယ္လို႔ ထင္ေနတယ္။ ပစ္ရင္းပစ္ရင္းနဲ႔ ကြ်န္ေတာ္ ပစ္တာ (၁၅) မိနစ္ (၂၀) မိနစ္ေလာက္ဘဲ ရွိမယ္။ သူတို႔ဘက္က ျပန္ပစ္လာၿပီး M79 တို႔ 60 မမ စိန္ေျပာင္း တုိ႔ နဲ႔ ေဆာ္ၿပီ ၊ကြ်န္ေတာ္တို႔ ဟိုအေ၀း ေနာက္ဆုတ္ ေျပးမယ္ဆုိရင္ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တုိ႔ဘက္ အထိခိုက္ ျဖစ္ၿပီ၊ အဲဒါေၾကာင့္ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တုိ႔က သူတို႔ နဲ႔ဘယ္ေလာက္ ေ၀းမလဲ ဆုိရင္ မီတာ (၅၀) ေလာက္ကြာမယ္။ သူတုိ႔ အေရွ ႔ကပဲ ျဖတ္ၿပီး ဆုတ္သြားတယ္။ သူတို႔က ပစ္ေနတာက 79 နဲ႔ ဆုိေတာ့ ကီလိုမီတာ (၃၀၀) ေလာက္ ေရာက္ေနတယ္ေလ။ အဲဒီေနာက္ သူတို႔ ေရွ ႔နားကပဲ အဲလို ျဖတ္တာ ည လေရာင္က မႈန္မႈန္၀ါး၀ါးမို႔ သူတို႔ ရုပ္ေတာ့ မျမင္ရဘူး။
အသံေတြကို ၾကားေနရတယ္။ သူတုိ႔နဲ႔ ကပ္ကပ္ေလးဘဲ ျဖတ္သြားတယ္။ ကြ်န္ေတာ္ ရြာကုိ ပတ္တာ ဟုိလယ္ကြင္းဘက္က ပတ္တာကိုး၊ အေရွ႔ဘက္က ပတ္တာ မဟုတ္ဘူး။ အေနာက္ဘက္က ပတ္တာကုိ ရြာနဲ႔ အေ၀းႀကီး ကြင္းၿပီး ၀င္တာကိုး၊ အဲဒါ ရယ္စရာ တုိက္ပြဲေတြေပ့ါ။ ဘာျဖစ္လို႔ ရယ္စရာ တုိက္ပြဲဆုိေတာ့ အခု ကြ်န္ေတာ္ ေျပာခဲ့တ့ဲ တိုက္ပြဲ (၃) ပြဲဟာလည္း သူတို႔ အေရွ ႔မွာဘဲ ကပ္ျပီး ျဖတ္ေလွ်ာက္ သြားတယ္။ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တို႔က လမ္းေၾကာင္းလံုျခံဳေရးအတြက္ အေရွ ႔မွာ လူ၄၀၊ အေနာက္မွာ လူ (၂၀) ေလာက္ကင္း ခ်ထားတယ္။ စုစုေပါင္း (၆၀) ေလာက္ ရွိတယ္။ မေအာင္ျမင္ဘဲ ဆုတ္လာရတာေပ့ါ။ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တုိ႔ အစီအစဥ္က ၀ုန္း၀ုန္းဆုိရင္ ပစ္ခြဲမယ္ ခြဲၿပီးတာနဲ႔ အိမ္ကုိ ကြ်န္ေတာ္ အထူး ကြန္မန္ဒို က်င့္ထားေပးတဲ့ သင္တန္းအတိုင္း တက္စီးမယ္။ ျမင္းေဆး ထုတ္ေတြ အားလံုးသိမ္းမယ္။ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တုိ႔ ျမင္းေဆး သိမ္းၿပီး ထုိင္းကုိ အပ္မယ္။ ႏႈတ္ခမ္းေမႊးက မထိဘူး။ သူကေတာ့ အိမ္မွာ မေနဘူးထင္တယ္။ ျမင္းေဆး ဂုိေဒါင္ၾကီးေတာ့ ရွိတယ္ေလ။ အဲဒီမွာလည္း ကင္းသမား ေလးငါးေယာက္ေလာက္ ရွိတယ္။ ကင္းလွည့္သလို ပတ္ေနၾကတာေပ့ါ။ ဒါေပမဲ့ ဒီေကာင္ေတြလည္း ေက်မႈန္႔သြားမွာဘဲ။
ေ၀ါေလ စခန္းအခုမရွိေတာ့ဘူး။ ဟုိအရင္တုန္းကေတာ့ ABSDF ဌာနခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးေပ့ါ။ DKBA ေတြ တကယ္တမ္း လုပ္တာကေတာ့ ျမင္းေဆးဘဲ လုပ္တယ္။ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တုိ႔ မ်က္ေစ့ေရွ ႔မွာဘဲ စုစုေပါင္း ကြ်န္ေတာ္တို႔ လုပ္ခဲ့တဲ့ တုိက္ပြဲမွာ တာ၀န္ယူခဲ့တဲ့ သက္တမ္းတေလွ်ာက္မွာေတာ့ ျမင္းေဆး လံုးေရ (၆၂) သန္းေက်ာ္ သိမ္းမိတယ္။ အဲဒီ (၆၂) သန္းေက်ာ္ကို ထုိင္းမူးယစ္ေဆး၀ါး တိုက္ဖ်က္ေရးအဖြဲ႔ကို အပ္ႏွံႏုိင္ခဲ့တယ္။ အလံုးေရ (၆၂) သန္း ကိုအျပင္မွာ ေရာင္းရင္ ဟုိေခတ္ကဆုိရင္ တစ္လံုး ဘတ္ (၅၀) ေပါက္ေစ်းရွိတယ္။ သူတုိ႔ ေဖာက္သည္ေပးရင္ (၁၅) ဘတ္ေပ့ါ။ တန္ဖိုး မနည္းဘူးဆိုတာ စဥ္းစားၾကည့္ေပါ့။ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တုိ႔ အခုေတာ့ အဲဒီေနရာေတြ သိပ္မမွတ္မိေတာ့ဘူး။အဲဒီလို ျမင္းေဆးေတြေရာင္းကာ ခ်မ္းသာေနျပီး နအဖနဲ႔ ပူးေပါင္းလုပ္ကိုင္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ေနတဲ့ “တုိးတက္ေသာ ကရင္ ဗုဒၶဘာသာ အစည္းအရံုး” DKBA အဖြဲ႔ဟာ ျပည္သူ႔အက်ိဳးျပဳ လုပ္ငန္း (အထူးသျဖင့္) ကရင္ျပည္နယ္နဲ႔ ကရင္လူထု ေကာင္းစားေရးအတြက္ အမွန္တကယ္ လုပ္ကိုင္ေနရဲ ့လားဆုိတာကုိ ျဖစ္စဥ္မ်ား ႏွင့္တကြ အတြင္းက်က် စာဖတ္ပရိသတ္မ်ားကို ကြ်န္ေတာ္ ေျပာျပေပးပါအံုးမယ္။DKBA အဖြဲ႔ဟာ ဘာသာေရး ခြဲျခားခံရမႈအေပၚ ဟစ္ေၾကြးၿပီးေတာ့ မိခင္ျဖစ္တဲ့ KNU အဖြဲ႔ကို သစၥာေဖာက္ကာ နအဖထံ သြားေရာက္ပူးေပါင္းခဲ့တဲ့ အဖြဲ႔အစည္း ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ႏိုင္ငံတကာကို နအဖေကာင္းေၾကာင္း ေျပာခိုင္းရာမွာ နအဖက ေရွ ႔ေနလိုက္ခိုင္းတဲ့ အဖြဲ႔ေတြအနက္က အထူးခြ်န္ဆံုးအဖြဲ႔လို႔ ဆုိရမလို ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒီ DKBA အဖြဲ႔ရဲ ႔ အဖြဲ႔၀င္ေတြဟာ ဘာသာေရးအရ လူအထင္ႀကီးခံရေအာင္ သတ္သတ္လြတ္ စားတယ္ဆိုတဲ့ ေၾကြးေၾကာ္သံဟာျဖင့္ လက္ေတြ႔ နယ္ပယ္မွာ ေက်းရြာလူထုေတြအေပၚ အဓမၼ ျပဳက်င့္ေနတာနဲ႔ေတာ့ တျခားစီ ျဖစ္ေနပါတယ္။ DKBA ဟာ KNU မွ ခြဲထြက္စဥ္က ႏိုင္ငံေရးေၾကာင့္ မဟုတ္ဘဲ ဘာသာေရး ခြဲျခားခံရလို႔ ဗုဒၶဘာသာကုိ ကာကြယ္မယ္ဆုိၿပီး ေၾကြးေၾကာ္ထြက္လာတာ ျဖစ္တယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ လက္ေတြ႔ ေရႊ၀ါေရာင္ ေတာ္လွန္ေရး ျဖစ္ပြားတဲ့အခ်ိန္မွာ ဗုဒၶသားေတာ္ ရဟန္းသံဃာေတြ ၿမိဳ ႔လည္ေခါင္မွာ ရိုက္သတ္ခံရခ်ိန္မွာ သူတုိ႔ဟာ ကူညီကယ္တင္ ကာကြယ္သင့္ရမဲ့အစား ဗုဒၶဘာသာ အေရၿခံဳၿပီး ပ်က္ကြက္ခဲ့တာ အထင္အရွား ျဖစ္တယ္။
သူတုိ႔ဟာ အဲဒီအခ်ိန္မွာ နအဖေပးတဲ့ အရုိးအရင္းေတြကုိ ကုိက္၀ါးကာ စည္းစိမ္ယစ္မူးေနတာ ဗုဒၶဘာသာစာလံုးေတာင္ သူတုိ႔အဖြဲ႔ နံမည္ ျဖဳတ္သင့္ပါတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ DKBA တုိးတက္ေသာ ကရင္ ဗုဒၶဘာသာ အစည္းအရံုး အစား တျခားနံမည္ တမ်ိဳးနဲ႔ ေျပာင္းၿပီး ေပးသင့္ပါတယ္။အမွန္တကယ္ေတာ့ ဗုဒၶျမတ္စြာဘုရား ေဟာၾကားတဲ့ တရားေတာ္ေတြထဲမွာ သတ္သတ္လြတ္ စားခိုင္းတာ မပါဘဲ ေဒ၀ဒတ္ရဲ ႔ အယူ၀ါဒေတြဘဲ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ သက္သတ္လြတ္ စားႏိုင္တာက ေကာင္းပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ ျဖဴစင္ေအာင္ သတ္သတ္လြတ္ စားတာထက္ ျပဳမူလုပ္ကိုင္ပံုေတြ က်င့္ႀကံျပဳမူ ေဆာင္ရြက္ပံုေတြ ျဖဴစင္ သန္႔ရွင္းဖို႔သာ ပုိမို အဓိက က်ပါတယ္။ဒီအဖြဲ႔အေနနဲ႔ တရားေတာ္ကုိ ရဟန္းအျဖစ္ ခံယူၿပီး လက္နက္ကိုင္ေဆာင္မႈကို စြန္႔လႊတ္ကာ ဘာသာေရး သက္သက္ဘဲ ေဆာင္ရြက္မွသာ သဘာ၀က်ကာ ပုိေကာင္းလိမ့္မယ္လုိ႔ ထင္ျမင္ မိပါတယ္။ လက္နက္ ကိုင္ေဆာင္ေနတဲ့ အဖြဲ႔အစည္း တစ္ခုအေနနဲ႔ ဗုဒၶရဲ႔နာမည္ကို လံုး၀မသံုးသင့္ပါ။ ယခုေတာ့ စားေတာ့ သတ္သတ္လြတ္ လုပ္ေတာ့ ပါဏာတိပါဏာကံကို က်ဴးလြန္ေနၿပီး ငါးပါးသီလ ေတာင္ မလံုၿခံဳတဲ့ လုပ္ရပ္ေတြဟာ ဗုဒၶဘာသာအတြက္ သိကၡာက်စရာ ျဖစ္ေနပါတယ္။ ေအာက္မွာ ေဖၚျပထားတဲ့ ျဖစ္စဥ္ ေတြဟာ ကြ်န္ေတာ္ သိရသေလာက္ အနည္းအက်ဥ္းမွ်သာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
၂၀၀၇ ခုႏွစ္ ေမလက DKBA (၉၀၇) တပ္ရင္းမွ ေမာင္ေရႊ၀ နဲ႔ ခလရ (၂၈၄) နအဖတပ္တို႔ ပူးေပါင္းၿပီး ထီးကပလဲ ရြာသားေစာဟဲစုိးနဲ႔ မိသားစု (၅) ေယာက္စလံုးတို႔အား အိမ္မွာ တစ္ဦး မက်န္ ရက္စက္စြာ သတ္ျဖတ္ခဲ့တယ္လို႔ သိရပါတယ္။၂၀၀၈ ခုႏွစ္ ႏို၀င္ဘာလကစၿပီး DKBA ေခါင္းေဆာင္ တစ္ဦး ျဖစ္သူ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တု႔ိ သြားတုိက္ခဲ့တဲ့ ဗိုလ္ႏႈတ္ခမ္းေမႊးဟာ နယ္ေျမ ရွင္းလင္းဖုိ႔ အေၾကာင္းျပဳၿပီး ေ၀ါေလဂြင္ကို ၀င္ေရာက္ ေမႊေနာက္ ပါေတာ့တယ္။ ရြာသားေတြ ပုိင္တဲ့ ေျပာင္းၿခံမ်ားကို ကုိယ္ပုိင္ လြတ္လပ္စြာေရာင္းခြင့္မျပဳဘဲ DKBA ကုိသာ မေရာင္းမေနရဟု အမိန္႔ထုတ္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။
ဘ၀တစ္ေကြ႔မွ ေတာ္လွန္ေရး အမွတ္အသားမ်ား - အပိုင္း(၂)
နအဖနဲ႔ ေရွ႔သြားေနာက္လိုက္ညီေနတဲ့ ဒီေကဘီေအ အေၾကာင္း
ေပးပုိ႔သူ - ကိုမိုးေအး
ေက်ာက္ေခတ္ဆိုတာက ဒီဘက္မွာ နယ္စပ္၊အုန္းဖန္နဲ႔ နီးတယ္။ အုန္းဖန္ကေနၿပီး သြားရတယ္။ အုန္းဖန္ ကေနၿပီး သြားရင္ ဟိုဘက္မွာ ၀င္းနႏၵာတု႔ိ ေက်ာက္ခတ္တုိ႔ေရာက္ေရာ။ အုန္းဖန္နားက ထြက္ရင္ေတာ့ နယ္စပ္ေရာက္တာေပ့ါ။ ရြာေဟာင္းဘဲေလ၊ အခုအခ်ိန္မွာေတာ့ စခန္း ေတြ က်သြားၿပီ။ တုိက္ပြဲေတြကို အမ်ားႀကီး ကြ်န္ေတာ္တို႔ ၾကံဳခဲ့ရတယ္။ မမွတ္မိတာေတြလည္းရွိတယ္။ ရြာထဲမွာ ၀င္ေဆာ္တဲ့ ပြဲလည္းရွိတယ္။
ေ၀ါေလမွာ ျဖစ္ခဲ့တာေလး ေျပာျပအံုးမယ္။အဲဒီအခ်ိန္က ကြ်န္ေတာ္တုိ႔ တပ္ဖြဲ႔က မူးယစ္ေဆး၀ါး ႏိွမ္နင္းေရးအထူးတပ္ဖြဲ႔ ေပါ့။
အဲဒီအခ်ိန္မွာ DKBA မွ ႏႈတ္ခမ္းေမႊးကေနၿပီးေတာ့ ေနာက္ေန႔က်လို႔ရိွရင္ ထုိင္းနယ္စပ္ဘက္ကို ျမင္းေဆးတုိ႔ ရာမတုိ႔ ပို႔ေတာ့မယ္။ အဲဒီ သတင္းၾကားေတာ့ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တုိ႔က ေက်ာက္ခတ္ကေနၿပီး ည ၉း၀၀ နာရီေပ့ါ။ ေက်ာက္ခတ္ကေနၿပီး ခရီးစထြက္တယ္။ အဲဒီမွာ အင္အား အေယာက္ (၄၀) ေက်ာ္ေလာက္ရိွမယ္။ ကားေတြ အကူအညီ ေတာင္းၿပီးေတာ့ ေ၀ါေလဘက္ကို သြားတယ္။ ၂၀၀၁ ဒီဇင္ဘာလထဲမွာ အဲဒီအခ်ိန္က အရမ္းေအးတဲ့ အခ်ိန္ေလ။ ေသာင္းရင္းျမစ္ကုိ ျဖတ္ရတယ္။ ေရကလည္း ေမးေစ့ျမဳပ္တယ္။ မယ္ကုဘက္ သြားတဲ့ လမ္းတစ္လမ္း ရွိတယ္။ အဲဒီကေနၿပီး ၀င္သြားရတယ္။ ေ၀ါေလဘက္ကို ျဖတ္တာ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တို႔ အဲဒီကို ေရာက္ေတာ့ ည ၁၀း၀၀ နာရီေလာက္ေရာက္တယ္။ အဲဒီ ကမ္းနားကို ေခ်ာင္းေတြ ဘာေတြ ျဖတ္ၿပီးေတာ့ ဟုိကို ၁၂း၃၀ နာရီ ေက်ာ္ေက်ာ္ ေရာက္တယ္။ ေ၀ါေလရြာကို ေရာက္တယ္။ေ၀ါေလရြာဆုိတာ ႏႈတ္ခမ္းေမႊးတို႔ ျမင္းေဆးထားတဲ့ေနရာေပ့ါ။ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တို႔ အစီအစဥ္က ည ၁း၃၀ နာရီမွာ စမယ္ေပါ့။ ကြ်န္ေတာ္က ေသနတ္ စေဖာက္မယ္။ အဲဒီမွာ RPJ 7 ခ်ည္းဘဲ (၈) လက္၊ M 40 က (၁၂) လက္ေလာက္ ရွိမယ္။ အဲဒီ ေ၀ါေလစခန္းကို သြားၿဖိဳဖုိ႔ဟာ အဲဒီမွာ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တုိ႔ သတင္းၾကားထားတာက ရန္သူစစ္ေၾကာင္း မရွိဘူး။ အဲဒါနဲ႔ ည ၁း၃၀ နာရီမွာ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တုိ႔ က်ည္စေဖါက္တယ္။ အဲဒီမွာ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တုိ႔ ဆီက အထူးတပ္ရင္းမွာ ခြဲ (၁)၊ ခြဲ (၂)၊ ခြဲ (၃) တုိ႔နဲ႔ KNU တပ္ရင္း (၁၀၁) တို႔နဲ႔ ပူးေပါင္းထားတာေပ့ါ။ အဲဒီ စစ္ဆင္ေရး ဦးေဆာင္တာက အထူးတပ္ရင္း တပ္ခြဲမွဴး ဗုိလ္ေအာင္တင့္လြင္ ျဖစ္တယ္။
တပ္အစံုပါဘဲ. KNU ထဲက လူေတြ သြားၾကတယ္။ ည ၁း၃၀ နာရီေလာက္က်ေတာ့ စေဖါက္ေရာ၊ အဲဒီမွာ ဘုန္းႀကီးေက်ာင္းမွာ ဘာပြဲ တစ္ခု လုပ္လဲမသိဘူး။ ႏႈတ္ခမ္းေမႊး စခန္းခ်ထားတဲ့ေနရာနဲ႔ ဘုန္းႀကီးေက်ာင္းနဲ႔ နည္းနည္းေလးဘဲ ကြာတယ္။ မီတာ (၂၀၀) ေလာက္ပဲ ကြာမယ္။
အဲဒီမွာ ကာရာအုိေက သီခ်င္းဆုိတဲ့ဆိုင္နဲ႔ ေစ်းတန္းေတြေပါ့.. ကြ်န္ေတာ္က ႏႈတ္ခမ္းေမႊးအိမ္နဲ႔ မီတာ (၁၀၀) အကြာေလာက္မွာ ေနရာယူထားတယ္။ အျပည့္ပဲေပ့ါ။ အဲဒီအခ်ိန္မွာ ကံဆုိးတာက ကြ်န္ေတာ္တုိ႔ မသိလိုက္ဘူး။ ရန္သူ စစ္ေၾကာင္း သံုးေၾကာင္းက အဲဒီရြာကို ေရာက္ေနတယ္။ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တုိ႔ စေဖာက္တာေပ့ါ။ ၿခိမး္ၿခိမ္းဆုိၿပီးေတာ့ စေဖာက္တဲ့အခ်ိန္မွာ ဘုန္းႀကီးေက်ာင္းဘက္က လက္နက္ငယ္သံ ထြက္လာတယ္။ ဒုန္းဒုန္းဒုန္း ဆုိေတာ့ ကြ်န္ေတာ့္ဆီမွာ တာ၀န္ယူထားတာကေတာ့ ဗိုလ္တစ္ေယာက္ေပ့ါ။ အဲဒီဘက္ကုိ သြားမပစ္နဲ႔ အဲဒီဘက္မွာ ဘုန္းႀကီးေက်ာင္း ရွိတယ္။ ဒီဘက္ဘဲ ပစ္ဆုိေတာ့ ဒီဘက္မွန္းပစ္တယ္။ ႏႈတ္ခမ္းေမႊး ဘက္ပဲ ပစ္လိုက္တယ္။ ၿပိဳင္ပစ္တာေလ။ ၁..၂.. ၃ ဆုိတာနဲ႔ RPJ 7 ေတြေရာ လက္နက္ငယ္ေတြေရာ အားလံုးဘဲ M 79 ေတြေရာ အကုန္လံုး ေဖါက္ပစ္တယ္။ တေအာင့္ေနေတာ့ ရန္သူဘက္က ျပန္ပစ္ေရာ၊ သူတုိ႔ စိတ္ထဲမွာ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တုိ႔က အေ၀းႀကီးမွာ ရွိတယ္လို႔ ထင္ေနတယ္။ ပစ္ရင္းပစ္ရင္းနဲ႔ ကြ်န္ေတာ္ ပစ္တာ (၁၅) မိနစ္ (၂၀) မိနစ္ေလာက္ဘဲ ရွိမယ္။ သူတို႔ဘက္က ျပန္ပစ္လာၿပီး M79 တို႔ 60 မမ စိန္ေျပာင္း တုိ႔ နဲ႔ ေဆာ္ၿပီ ၊ကြ်န္ေတာ္တို႔ ဟိုအေ၀း ေနာက္ဆုတ္ ေျပးမယ္ဆုိရင္ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တုိ႔ဘက္ အထိခိုက္ ျဖစ္ၿပီ၊ အဲဒါေၾကာင့္ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တုိ႔က သူတို႔ နဲ႔ဘယ္ေလာက္ ေ၀းမလဲ ဆုိရင္ မီတာ (၅၀) ေလာက္ကြာမယ္။ သူတုိ႔ အေရွ ႔ကပဲ ျဖတ္ၿပီး ဆုတ္သြားတယ္။ သူတို႔က ပစ္ေနတာက 79 နဲ႔ ဆုိေတာ့ ကီလိုမီတာ (၃၀၀) ေလာက္ ေရာက္ေနတယ္ေလ။ အဲဒီေနာက္ သူတို႔ ေရွ ႔နားကပဲ အဲလို ျဖတ္တာ ည လေရာင္က မႈန္မႈန္၀ါး၀ါးမို႔ သူတို႔ ရုပ္ေတာ့ မျမင္ရဘူး။
အသံေတြကို ၾကားေနရတယ္။ သူတုိ႔နဲ႔ ကပ္ကပ္ေလးဘဲ ျဖတ္သြားတယ္။ ကြ်န္ေတာ္ ရြာကုိ ပတ္တာ ဟုိလယ္ကြင္းဘက္က ပတ္တာကိုး၊ အေရွ႔ဘက္က ပတ္တာ မဟုတ္ဘူး။ အေနာက္ဘက္က ပတ္တာကုိ ရြာနဲ႔ အေ၀းႀကီး ကြင္းၿပီး ၀င္တာကိုး၊ အဲဒါ ရယ္စရာ တုိက္ပြဲေတြေပ့ါ။ ဘာျဖစ္လို႔ ရယ္စရာ တုိက္ပြဲဆုိေတာ့ အခု ကြ်န္ေတာ္ ေျပာခဲ့တ့ဲ တိုက္ပြဲ (၃) ပြဲဟာလည္း သူတို႔ အေရွ ႔မွာဘဲ ကပ္ျပီး ျဖတ္ေလွ်ာက္ သြားတယ္။ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တို႔က လမ္းေၾကာင္းလံုျခံဳေရးအတြက္ အေရွ ႔မွာ လူ၄၀၊ အေနာက္မွာ လူ (၂၀) ေလာက္ကင္း ခ်ထားတယ္။ စုစုေပါင္း (၆၀) ေလာက္ ရွိတယ္။ မေအာင္ျမင္ဘဲ ဆုတ္လာရတာေပ့ါ။ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တုိ႔ အစီအစဥ္က ၀ုန္း၀ုန္းဆုိရင္ ပစ္ခြဲမယ္ ခြဲၿပီးတာနဲ႔ အိမ္ကုိ ကြ်န္ေတာ္ အထူး ကြန္မန္ဒို က်င့္ထားေပးတဲ့ သင္တန္းအတိုင္း တက္စီးမယ္။ ျမင္းေဆး ထုတ္ေတြ အားလံုးသိမ္းမယ္။ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တုိ႔ ျမင္းေဆး သိမ္းၿပီး ထုိင္းကုိ အပ္မယ္။ ႏႈတ္ခမ္းေမႊးက မထိဘူး။ သူကေတာ့ အိမ္မွာ မေနဘူးထင္တယ္။ ျမင္းေဆး ဂုိေဒါင္ၾကီးေတာ့ ရွိတယ္ေလ။ အဲဒီမွာလည္း ကင္းသမား ေလးငါးေယာက္ေလာက္ ရွိတယ္။ ကင္းလွည့္သလို ပတ္ေနၾကတာေပ့ါ။ ဒါေပမဲ့ ဒီေကာင္ေတြလည္း ေက်မႈန္႔သြားမွာဘဲ။
ေ၀ါေလ စခန္းအခုမရွိေတာ့ဘူး။ ဟုိအရင္တုန္းကေတာ့ ABSDF ဌာနခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးေပ့ါ။ DKBA ေတြ တကယ္တမ္း လုပ္တာကေတာ့ ျမင္းေဆးဘဲ လုပ္တယ္။ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တုိ႔ မ်က္ေစ့ေရွ ႔မွာဘဲ စုစုေပါင္း ကြ်န္ေတာ္တို႔ လုပ္ခဲ့တဲ့ တုိက္ပြဲမွာ တာ၀န္ယူခဲ့တဲ့ သက္တမ္းတေလွ်ာက္မွာေတာ့ ျမင္းေဆး လံုးေရ (၆၂) သန္းေက်ာ္ သိမ္းမိတယ္။ အဲဒီ (၆၂) သန္းေက်ာ္ကို ထုိင္းမူးယစ္ေဆး၀ါး တိုက္ဖ်က္ေရးအဖြဲ႔ကို အပ္ႏွံႏုိင္ခဲ့တယ္။ အလံုးေရ (၆၂) သန္း ကိုအျပင္မွာ ေရာင္းရင္ ဟုိေခတ္ကဆုိရင္ တစ္လံုး ဘတ္ (၅၀) ေပါက္ေစ်းရွိတယ္။ သူတုိ႔ ေဖာက္သည္ေပးရင္ (၁၅) ဘတ္ေပ့ါ။ တန္ဖိုး မနည္းဘူးဆိုတာ စဥ္းစားၾကည့္ေပါ့။ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တုိ႔ အခုေတာ့ အဲဒီေနရာေတြ သိပ္မမွတ္မိေတာ့ဘူး။အဲဒီလို ျမင္းေဆးေတြေရာင္းကာ ခ်မ္းသာေနျပီး နအဖနဲ႔ ပူးေပါင္းလုပ္ကိုင္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ေနတဲ့ “တုိးတက္ေသာ ကရင္ ဗုဒၶဘာသာ အစည္းအရံုး” DKBA အဖြဲ႔ဟာ ျပည္သူ႔အက်ိဳးျပဳ လုပ္ငန္း (အထူးသျဖင့္) ကရင္ျပည္နယ္နဲ႔ ကရင္လူထု ေကာင္းစားေရးအတြက္ အမွန္တကယ္ လုပ္ကိုင္ေနရဲ ့လားဆုိတာကုိ ျဖစ္စဥ္မ်ား ႏွင့္တကြ အတြင္းက်က် စာဖတ္ပရိသတ္မ်ားကို ကြ်န္ေတာ္ ေျပာျပေပးပါအံုးမယ္။DKBA အဖြဲ႔ဟာ ဘာသာေရး ခြဲျခားခံရမႈအေပၚ ဟစ္ေၾကြးၿပီးေတာ့ မိခင္ျဖစ္တဲ့ KNU အဖြဲ႔ကို သစၥာေဖာက္ကာ နအဖထံ သြားေရာက္ပူးေပါင္းခဲ့တဲ့ အဖြဲ႔အစည္း ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ႏိုင္ငံတကာကို နအဖေကာင္းေၾကာင္း ေျပာခိုင္းရာမွာ နအဖက ေရွ ႔ေနလိုက္ခိုင္းတဲ့ အဖြဲ႔ေတြအနက္က အထူးခြ်န္ဆံုးအဖြဲ႔လို႔ ဆုိရမလို ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒီ DKBA အဖြဲ႔ရဲ ႔ အဖြဲ႔၀င္ေတြဟာ ဘာသာေရးအရ လူအထင္ႀကီးခံရေအာင္ သတ္သတ္လြတ္ စားတယ္ဆိုတဲ့ ေၾကြးေၾကာ္သံဟာျဖင့္ လက္ေတြ႔ နယ္ပယ္မွာ ေက်းရြာလူထုေတြအေပၚ အဓမၼ ျပဳက်င့္ေနတာနဲ႔ေတာ့ တျခားစီ ျဖစ္ေနပါတယ္။ DKBA ဟာ KNU မွ ခြဲထြက္စဥ္က ႏိုင္ငံေရးေၾကာင့္ မဟုတ္ဘဲ ဘာသာေရး ခြဲျခားခံရလို႔ ဗုဒၶဘာသာကုိ ကာကြယ္မယ္ဆုိၿပီး ေၾကြးေၾကာ္ထြက္လာတာ ျဖစ္တယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ လက္ေတြ႔ ေရႊ၀ါေရာင္ ေတာ္လွန္ေရး ျဖစ္ပြားတဲ့အခ်ိန္မွာ ဗုဒၶသားေတာ္ ရဟန္းသံဃာေတြ ၿမိဳ ႔လည္ေခါင္မွာ ရိုက္သတ္ခံရခ်ိန္မွာ သူတုိ႔ဟာ ကူညီကယ္တင္ ကာကြယ္သင့္ရမဲ့အစား ဗုဒၶဘာသာ အေရၿခံဳၿပီး ပ်က္ကြက္ခဲ့တာ အထင္အရွား ျဖစ္တယ္။
သူတုိ႔ဟာ အဲဒီအခ်ိန္မွာ နအဖေပးတဲ့ အရုိးအရင္းေတြကုိ ကုိက္၀ါးကာ စည္းစိမ္ယစ္မူးေနတာ ဗုဒၶဘာသာစာလံုးေတာင္ သူတုိ႔အဖြဲ႔ နံမည္ ျဖဳတ္သင့္ပါတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ DKBA တုိးတက္ေသာ ကရင္ ဗုဒၶဘာသာ အစည္းအရံုး အစား တျခားနံမည္ တမ်ိဳးနဲ႔ ေျပာင္းၿပီး ေပးသင့္ပါတယ္။အမွန္တကယ္ေတာ့ ဗုဒၶျမတ္စြာဘုရား ေဟာၾကားတဲ့ တရားေတာ္ေတြထဲမွာ သတ္သတ္လြတ္ စားခိုင္းတာ မပါဘဲ ေဒ၀ဒတ္ရဲ ႔ အယူ၀ါဒေတြဘဲ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ သက္သတ္လြတ္ စားႏိုင္တာက ေကာင္းပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ ျဖဴစင္ေအာင္ သတ္သတ္လြတ္ စားတာထက္ ျပဳမူလုပ္ကိုင္ပံုေတြ က်င့္ႀကံျပဳမူ ေဆာင္ရြက္ပံုေတြ ျဖဴစင္ သန္႔ရွင္းဖို႔သာ ပုိမို အဓိက က်ပါတယ္။ဒီအဖြဲ႔အေနနဲ႔ တရားေတာ္ကုိ ရဟန္းအျဖစ္ ခံယူၿပီး လက္နက္ကိုင္ေဆာင္မႈကို စြန္႔လႊတ္ကာ ဘာသာေရး သက္သက္ဘဲ ေဆာင္ရြက္မွသာ သဘာ၀က်ကာ ပုိေကာင္းလိမ့္မယ္လုိ႔ ထင္ျမင္ မိပါတယ္။ လက္နက္ ကိုင္ေဆာင္ေနတဲ့ အဖြဲ႔အစည္း တစ္ခုအေနနဲ႔ ဗုဒၶရဲ႔နာမည္ကို လံုး၀မသံုးသင့္ပါ။ ယခုေတာ့ စားေတာ့ သတ္သတ္လြတ္ လုပ္ေတာ့ ပါဏာတိပါဏာကံကို က်ဴးလြန္ေနၿပီး ငါးပါးသီလ ေတာင္ မလံုၿခံဳတဲ့ လုပ္ရပ္ေတြဟာ ဗုဒၶဘာသာအတြက္ သိကၡာက်စရာ ျဖစ္ေနပါတယ္။ ေအာက္မွာ ေဖၚျပထားတဲ့ ျဖစ္စဥ္ ေတြဟာ ကြ်န္ေတာ္ သိရသေလာက္ အနည္းအက်ဥ္းမွ်သာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
၂၀၀၇ ခုႏွစ္ ေမလက DKBA (၉၀၇) တပ္ရင္းမွ ေမာင္ေရႊ၀ နဲ႔ ခလရ (၂၈၄) နအဖတပ္တို႔ ပူးေပါင္းၿပီး ထီးကပလဲ ရြာသားေစာဟဲစုိးနဲ႔ မိသားစု (၅) ေယာက္စလံုးတို႔အား အိမ္မွာ တစ္ဦး မက်န္ ရက္စက္စြာ သတ္ျဖတ္ခဲ့တယ္လို႔ သိရပါတယ္။၂၀၀၈ ခုႏွစ္ ႏို၀င္ဘာလကစၿပီး DKBA ေခါင္းေဆာင္ တစ္ဦး ျဖစ္သူ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တု႔ိ သြားတုိက္ခဲ့တဲ့ ဗိုလ္ႏႈတ္ခမ္းေမႊးဟာ နယ္ေျမ ရွင္းလင္းဖုိ႔ အေၾကာင္းျပဳၿပီး ေ၀ါေလဂြင္ကို ၀င္ေရာက္ ေမႊေနာက္ ပါေတာ့တယ္။ ရြာသားေတြ ပုိင္တဲ့ ေျပာင္းၿခံမ်ားကို ကုိယ္ပုိင္ လြတ္လပ္စြာေရာင္းခြင့္မျပဳဘဲ DKBA ကုိသာ မေရာင္းမေနရဟု အမိန္႔ထုတ္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။
အရက္သမား ရုပ္ ေပါက္ေနေသာ သတ္သတ္လြတ္စားသည္ ဆုိတဲ့ ပုဂၢိဳလ္ႀကီး
ဒါ့အျပင္အဲဒီအဖြဲ႔ဟာ စည္းရံုးေရးေခါင္းစဥ္ ေမာ္ၾကြား ျပသလိုတဲ့အေနနဲ႔ ကရင္ႏွစ္သစ္ကူးပြဲသို႔ သြားရန္ တရား နည္းလမ္းတက် စည္းရံုးေဆာင္ရြက္ျခင္း မျပဳဘဲ တစ္အိမ္တစ္ေယာက္ မသြားမေနရလို႔ အမိန္႔ေပးခဲ့ျပီး သြားတဲ့ လူတုိင္းကိုလည္း တစ္ဦးလွ်င္ ဘတ္ေငြ (၅၀၀) ႏႈန္း ေပးေဆာင္ ေစခဲ့ေၾကာင္းသိရပါတယ္။၂၀၀၈ ခုႏွစ္ ဒီဇင္ဘာလ ၂၄ ရက္ေန႔မွာလည္း DKBA ၉၀၇ တပ္ရင္းမွ ဒုရင္းမွဴး နယ္လဲယ္ေယးဟာ ေတာအုပ္ရြာမွ ေသေဘာဘုိးရြာသို႔ ေျပာင္းလာတဲ့ ဖားဒီ၀ါး (၄၈) ႏွစ္ႏွင့္ဇနီးျဖစ္သူ ေပြေဟာမို႔တို႔ ႏွစ္ဦးကို အေၾကာင္းမဲ့ ပစ္သတ္ခဲ့ေၾကာင္း သိရပါတယ္။ ဒီလို ျဖစ္စဥ္ေတြအရ ယေန႔ DKBA ဟာ ကရင္ျပည္နယ္မွာ ဗိုလ္က်အႏုိင္က်င့္ေနတာမုိ႔ ျပည္သူလူထုက တေန႔တျခား သိျမင္လာသလို ျပည္သူလူထု ေထာက္ခံမႈလည္း က်ဆင္းလာေနလို႔ အေႏွးနဲ႔အျမန္ က်ဆံုးဖို႔ ရွိလာမွာ ျဖစ္ပါေၾကာင္း တင္ျပ လိုက္ရပါတယ္ခင္ဗ်ား။
တင္ျပသူ ကုိဖိုးတရုတ္ at 4:04 AM 0 ေယာက္က ဒီလို ထင္တယ္။
ဘယ္က႑ကလည္းဆိုေတာ့.... အေတြ ့အႀကံဳ
January 30, 2009
ဘ၀တစ္ေကြ႔မွ ေတာ္လွန္ေရး အမွတ္အသားမ်ား - အပုိင္း(၁)
နအဖနဲ႔ အေပါင္းအပါ DKBA တို႔ကို တိုက္ခိုက္ရတဲ့ ကိုယ္ေတြ႔တုိက္ပြဲျဖစ္စဥ္မ်ား
ေပးပို႔သူ- ကိုမိုးေအး
KNU တပ္မဟာ(၆) တပ္ရင္းတြင္ တပ္စုမွဴးအျဖစ္ တာ၀န္ ထမ္းေဆာင္ခဲ့ေသာ ကိုမိုးေအးရဲ ႔ တိုက္ပြဲ အေတြ႔အၾကံဳမ်ားကို ေပးပို႔လာရာ စာဖတ္ပရိသတ္မ်ား ဗဟုသုတ ရရိွေစရန္ ကြ်န္ေတာ္ ကိုဖိုးတရုတ္မွ ဒီကေန႔ တင္ျပ ေပးလိုက္ ပါတယ္။ ယခုလို ေပးပို႔လာတဲ့ ကိုမိုးေအးအား ကြ်န္ေတာ္ ကိုဖိုးတရုတ္မွ အထူး ေက်းဇူးတင္ရွိပါေၾကာင္း စည္းလံုးျခင္းရဲ ႔ အင္အား ဘာေလာဂ္မွာ မွတ္တမ္းတင္ ဂုဏ္ျပဳအပ္ပါတယ္။သရက္ပင္ စခန္းတုိက္ပြဲကို KNUတပ္မဟာ (၆) အထူး တပ္ရင္း အျဖစ္ ကြ်န္ေတာ္ တို႔ ပါ၀င္ေဆာင္ရြက္ခဲ့ပံုကို ေျပာျပခ်င္တယ္။ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တုိ႔ရဲ ့ စခန္းက ေတာ့ ေက်ာက္ခတ္မွာ ျဖစ္တယ္။ ေက်ာက္ခတ္စခန္းကေနၿပီး တုိက္ကင္းထြက္တဲ့ အခါမွာ သာအုတ္ထရြာမွာ စခန္းခ်ရတယ္။ ယာယီစခန္းေပ့ါ။ အဲဒီက တဆင့္ ေတာလမ္းကေနၿပီး က်ားသစ္ဂူတုိ႔ သရက္ပင္စခန္းနားတို႔ကို ေရာက္တယ္။သရက္ပင္စခန္းက ခမရ (၁၀၈) ထိုင္တဲ့ တပ္ခဲြစခန္းေပ့ါ။ အခ်ိန္ကေတာ့ သၾကၤန္ကာလ April လျဖစ္တယ္ ။
၁၉၉၉-၂၀၀၀ မွာ ကြ်န္ေတာ္ အဲဒီမွာ ရိကၡာ သြားသယ္တယ္။ ရြာကိုေတာ့ မသြားဘူး။ အဲဒီနားမွာ သစ္စက္ေတြ ရွိတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ နအဖရဲ ႔ ညံ့ကြက္ေတြေၾကာင့္ သူတို႔ခံလိုက္ရတာကို ေျပာျပခ်င္တယ္။ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တုိ႔ အဲဒီေတာင္ ႏွစ္လံုးၾကားက ျဖတ္သြားတဲ့အခ်ိန္ ေသနတ္သံ တစ္ခ်က္ ၾကားလိုက္တယ္။ သူတို႔စခန္းက ေတာင္ကုန္းေလး ေဘးမွာ ေနၾကတယ္။ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တုိ႔က အဲဒီလမ္းၾကားထဲက ျဖတ္ၾကတယ္။ စခန္းရွိမွန္းလည္း မသိဘူး။ အဲဒီ ၾကားလမ္းေရာက္တဲ့အခ်ိန္မွာ ေတာင္ထိပ္ေပၚက ေသနတ္သံ တစ္ခ်က္ ၾကားရတယ္။ ကြ်န္ေတာ္က အေရွ႔ မွာ ရန္သူရွိလား မသိဘူးလို႔ ေျပာတယ္။ ကြ်န္ေတာ့္ တပ္စု တက္ၾကည့္တယ္။ စုစုေပါင္း (၇) ေယာက္ဘဲ ရွိတယ္။အဲဒီေတာင္ကုန္းကေတာ့ သိပ္မျမင့့္ပါဘူး။ (၅) မိနစ္ ေလာက္ပဲ သြားရပါတယ္။ အဲဒီအခ်ိန္မွာ နအဖ ဘက္က လူ (၇) ေယာက္ (၈) ေယာက္ေလာက္ ေတ႔ြေတာ့တာဘဲ။ တစ္ေယာက္က ကင္းတဲမွာ ထုိင္ေနတယ္။ တစ္ေယာက္က ေရခပ္ဆင္းေနတယ္။
တစ္ေယာက္က ကြ်န္ေတာ္တုိ႔ ေဘးနားက ျဖတ္သြားတယ္။ က်န္တဲ့ (၃) ေယာက္က ပုခက္ထဲမွာ ထိုင္ေနတယ္။ အဲဒီမွာ အမ်ိဳးသမီး တစ္ေယာက္လည္း ေတ႔ြတယ္။အမ်ိဳးသမီးက ရြာသားလား.. သူတို႔ရဲ ႔အမ်ိဳးသမီးလားေတာ့ ကြ်န္ေတာ္လည္းမသိဘူး။ ကြ်န္ေတ့ာ္ စိတ္ထဲမွာ ေတာ့ သူ႔မိန္းမဘဲ ထင္တယ္။ သူတုိ႔ ေျပာေနၾကတာကေတာ့ တပ္ၾကပ္တစ္ေယာက္ရဲ ႔ မိန္းမလို႔ ေျပာတယ္။ ဒီသၾကၤန္ မဲေဆာက္ တက္သြားမယ္။ သြားလည္မယ္လို႔ ေျပာေနသံကို ၾကားရတယ္။ အဲဒါနဲ႔ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တုိ႔ (၇) ေယာက္က ေနရာယူလိုက္တယ္။ ၀ိုင္းလိုက္တယ္။ အဲဒီမွာ တပ္ၾကပ္ ေစာေဌးဆုိတာ တစ္ေယာက္ရွိတယ္။ ကြ်န္ေတာ့္တပ္ကုိ သူကေနၿပီး စပစ္တာေပ့ါ။ တုိက္ပြဲက ဘယ္ေလာက္ၾကာလဲဆိုေတာ့ (၁၂) မိနစ္ေလာက္ ၾကာတယ္။ အဲဒီမွာ နအဖ ဘက္က (၅) ေယာက္ က်သြားတယ္။ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တုိ႔ဘက္က MA - 4, MA - 1 တစ္လက္ရတယ္။ ကြ်န္ေတာ္ လက္နက္ယူၿပီး အတင္းျပန္ဆုတ္ဆင္းလာတယ္။
ကြ်န္ေတာ္တုိ႔ အင္အား မရွိဘူး။ (၇) ေယာက္ဘဲ ရွိတယ္ေလ။ (၇) ေယာက္နဲ႔ဘဲ တိုက္တာ။ ေနာက္တစ္ခါက်ေတာ့ ရက္ (၂၀) ေလာက္ အကြာမွာ နာရီ၀က္ေလာက္ တုိက္ပြဲျဖစ္တယ္။သရက္ပင္စခန္း ေနရာမွာေတာ့ မဟုတ္ေတာ့ဘူး။ ေနာက္တစ္ ေနရာမွာ၊ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တုိ႔က သာအုပ္ထ ရြာဘက္က ေနၿပီး ေ၀လီေ၀လင္းမွာ ေက်ာက္ခတ္ဘက္ကို အဆင္းမွာ ေတာလမ္းေလ စမ္းေခ်ာင္းလမ္းေလး တန္းတန္းဆင္း သြားေတာ့ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တုိ႔က (၅) မိနစ္ေလာက္ ႀကိဳေရာက္တယ္။ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တုိ႔ ေနာက္မွာ ကေတာ့ သူတို႔ စခန္း ခိ်န္းတဲ့ တပ္ခြဲက နယ္ေျမလိုက္ျပေနတဲ့ အခ်ိန္ ျဖစ္ျပီး သူတုိ႔ ေနာက္က လိုက္လာေနမွန္းလည္း ကြ်န္ေတာ္တို႔ မသိဘူး။ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တို႔ ေရွ ႔က သြားမွန္းလည္း သူတို႔ မသိဘူး။ အဲဒီေနရာ ေရာက္ေတာ့ ေတာင္ကုန္း တစ္ကုန္း ရွိတယ္။ အဲဒီနားမွာ ကြမ္းသီးပင္ ေလးငါးဆယ္ပင္လည္း ရွိတယ္။ ကြမ္းသီးေျခာက္ ေတ႔ြေတာ့ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တို႔ ေကာက္ေရာ.. ေနာက္ဘက္က ကြ်န္ေတာ့္ လူႏွစ္ေယာက္ကေတာ့ “ေဟ့ေကာင္ေတြ မင္းတုိ႔ ေတာင္ကုန္းေပၚ တခ်က္ တက္ၾကည့္လိုက္... ဒါ ရန္သူစခန္းေဟာင္း ေနရာ ျဖစ္ႏိုင္တယ္လို႔ ေျပာျပီး သူတု႔ိ အေပၚ တက္သြားၾကတယ္။ တက္ၿပီး ျပန္အဆင္း ရန္သူနဲ႔ (၁၀) ကိုက္ ေလာက္အကြာမွာ ေတ႔ြၾကပါေလေရာ။ မ်က္ႏွာခ်င္းဆိုင္ ထိပ္တိုက္ကို ေတြ႔ၾကတာ။ ဟုိကလည္း ေၾကာက္ေနတယ္။ ဒီကလည္း ေၾကာင္ေနတယ္။ မပစ္ဘူး၊ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တို႔ ဘက္က လူက စေျပာတယ္။ ခဏေနဦး ခဏေနဦး ျပန္ဆုတ္ ျပန္ဆုတ္လို႔ ေျပာျပီး ေျပးဆုတ္ရင္း ေနရာယူတယ္။ အဲဒီေတာ့မွ ဟုိဘက္က ႏွစ္ရစ္နဲ႔ ေကာင္က အဲဒီ မင္း ပေထြးေတြ ပစ္ပစ္ လို႔ သူ႔လူေတြကို ေအာ္ေတာ့တာဘဲ။ သူတုိ႔ဘက္က ေသနတ္ ႏွစ္ခ်က္ အရင္ေဖာက္တယ္။ ကြ်န္ေတာ္က ေျပာတယ္။ ဘယ္ေကာင္ ပစ္တာလဲေပ့ါ။ အဲဒါ ဘယ္ေကာင္မွ မဟုတ္ဘူး။ ရန္သူပစ္ေနတာလို႔ သိတာနဲ႔ ကြ်န္ေတာ္္တုိ႔လည္း ေနရာယူၾကတယ္။ လက္နက္ႀကီးေတြ ၿပိဳင္ပစ္ၾကတယ္။ အနီးကပ္ တိုက္ပြဲေလးပဲ၊စုစုေပါင္း ေပ ၂၀၊ ၃၀ ေလာက္ဘဲ ကြာတယ္။ သူတုိ႔က ငွက္ေပ်ာေတာမွာ ေနရာရတယ္။ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တုိ႔က သစ္ပင္ေတြ ၾကားထဲမွာ ေနရာယူတယ္။ကြ်န္ေတာ္တို႔ဘက္က RPJ 7, M40 တို႔နဲ႔ သံုးတာေပ့ါ။ ျပီးေတာ့ စက္လတ္ ႏွစ္လက္ပါတယ္။ MA-4 နဲ႔ M40 တြဲထားတဲ့ဟာကေတာ့ သံုးလက္ပါတယ္။ ကြ်န္ေတာ့္ အဖြဲ႔ အားလံုး (၁၄) ေယာက္ရွိတယ္။အဲဒီလို ထိပ္တိုက္ေတြ႔ေတာ့ သူတို႔ဘက္က နာရီ၀က္ေလာက္ ထိပ္တုိက္ျဖစ္ၿပီးေတာ့ သူတို႔က စစ္ကူ လွမ္းေတာင္းၿပီး သရက္ပင္စခန္းမွ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တုိ႔ ေနရာကို “၈၀”မမ စိန္ေျပာင္း ၊“၆၀” မမစိန္ေျပာင္းနဲ႔ပစ္ခိုင္းရာ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တို႔လည္း လစ္ပါေလေရာ၊ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တုိ႔ တစ္ကြက္ ကံေကာင္းတာကေတာ့သူတုိ႔က နည္းနည္း ညံ့သြားတယ္။
ကြ်န္ေတာ္ထင္တာက သူတုိ႔မွာ အေယာက္ (၃၀) ေက်ာ္ေက်ာ္ေလာက္ရွိတယ္။ သူတုိ႔ အေနာက္ နားေလးကဘဲကပ္ၿပီး ျဖတ္သြားတယ္။ ကြ်န္ေတာ္ ဆုတ္တဲ့အခ်ိန္မွာ သူတုိ႔ အင္အား အရမ္းမ်ားလာၿပီေလ။ သူတို႔က အရမ္းထုိးေဖာက္လာလို႔ ေတာင္ေက်ာေလး အေနာက္က ေကြ႔ၿပီးေတာ့ သူတုိ႔နဲ႔ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တို႔ ဆုတ္တဲ့ ေနရာဟာ (၁၀) ေပေလာက္ပဲ ေ၀းတယ္။ ဘာျဖစ္လို႔လည္း ဆုိရင္ ကြ်န္ေတာ္က သူတု႔ိကို ပစ္မယ္ဆုိရင္ ေနာက္ထပ္ ေလးငါးေယာက္ေလာက္ေတာ့ လဲႏိုင္ပါေသးတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ မပစ္ရဲေတာ့ဘူး၊ဘာျဖစ္ လို႔လည္း ဆုိေတာ့ ကုိယ့္လူက ရွိေသးတယ္။ ကိုယ့္လူ နာမွာေၾကာက္လို႔ အသာေလး ျပန္ဆုတ္လိုက္ရတယ္။ သူတို႔ မဲၿပီးေတာ့ အေရွ ႔ ကို ထုိးတက္လာေတာ့ လူမရွိေတာ့ဘူးေလ။ အဲဒါက တစ္ပြဲ။ ကြ်န္ေတာ္ ရွိတဲ့အခ်ိန္ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တို႔ရဲ ႔တပ္ရင္းမွဴးကေတာ့ တပ္ရင္းမွဴး ေရႊေမာင္း၊ ဒုတပ္ရင္းမွဴး ဗုိလ္ရန္ႏိုင္၊ ခြဲမွဴးေတြကေတာ့ ဗုိလ္ဥာဏ္တုိ႔ ေအာင္တင့္လြင္တို႔ ျဖစ္ၾကတယ္။ အဲဒီအခ်ိန္မွာ ကြ်န္ေတာ္က မူးယစ္ေဆး၀ါး အထူးအဖြဲ႔ေလ။ ကြ်န္ေတာ္သိတာက နအဖ တပ္အေနနဲ ့ခမရ(၁၀၈), (၁၀၉) ခ်ိန္းတယ္လို႔ သိရတယ္။
တင္ျပသူ ကုိဖိုးတရုတ္ at 5:46 AM 0 ေယာက္က ဒီလို ထင္တယ္။
ဘယ္က႑ကလည္းဆိုေတာ့.... အေတြ ့အႀကံဳ
A Closer Look at Burma’s Ethnic Minorities
January 30, 2009 ·
A 16-year-old Karen boy swims in the Salween River at the Myanmar-Thai border in May 2006
by Time
Living under the thumb of a brutal junta, the average Burmese hardly leads an easy life. But the plight of the country’s ethnic minorities, many of whom once waged long and bloody insurgencies against the military regime, is even worse. As a new human-rights report released on Jan. 28, as well as the recent stories of destitute refugees who fled Burma attest to, members of Burma’s ethnic groups face persistent discrimination by the military regime. They are the targets of unpaid forced labor campaigns, scorched-earth policies that destroy farmland and relocation programs that require entire villages to move at a moment’s notice.Called Myanmar by its military leaders, Burma derives its name from the Buddhist Burman (or Bamar) people. The country’s largest ethnic group, the Burman historically lived in Burma’s central and upper plains. But this patchwork country of 55 million is made up of more than 100 unique ethnicities. The isolation enforced by Burma’s numerous mountains and hills helped nurture these culturally discrete groups, making it one of the most diverse countries in Southeast Asia, despite its relatively small geographic size. Here are five ethnicities, some of who have unsuccessfully waged long insurgencies against the central government and others who have made news recently because of the abuses they have suffered at the hands of the Burman-dominated regime.
Rohingya
Perhaps the most exploited minority in Burma, the Rohingya are a Muslim group that has been refused citizenship by the Burmese government by the Burmese government since 1982 when the junta implemented a citizenship law. As a consequence, the stateless Rohingya, who number around 800,000 in western Burma and physically resemble Bengalis, are prime targets for forced-labor drives by the junta. Since the military took power in 1962, hundreds of thousands have fled to Bangladesh, Malaysia and Thailand, where their illegal-immigrant status makes them vulnerable to labor abuses.
In January, navy troops and fishermen in India and Indonesia discovered dozens of Rohingya boat people drifting in their countries’ territorial waters. Some survivors alleged that their efforts to seek sanctuary in Thailand were thwarted by the Thai Navy, which forcibly herded them onto leaking boats without enough food or water and set them to sea. The survivors also claimed they were beaten by Thai forces — and that several of their fellow passengers were shot to death by the Thais. Although plenty of Rohingya have found illegal and low-paid work on Thai fishing fleets, the Thai government outwardly maintains a strict stance toward these would-be immigrants: On January 28th, Thailand convicted more than 60 Rohingya of illegal entry and announced they would be deported.
Shan
Clustered in the northeastern hills of Burma, the Buddhist Shan were accorded a measure of self-rule by British colonialists. When Burma became independent in 1948, they agreed to join the fledgling nation in return for autonomy. But the promise, say Shan opposition groups, was never kept — and several militias were soon formed to fight against the Burmese army. Although a ceasefire was signed in the mid-90s by most Shan groups, the minority’s resistance is still active in pockets. Over the past decade, forced relocations by the Burmese military of tens of thousands of Shan, who are thought in total to number at least 5 million, have garnered condemnation by international human-rights organizations.
Chin
Overwhelmingly Christian, the Chin live in the impoverished mountains near the India-Burma border. An armed wing of the Chin National Front, which was founded in 1988, is one of the few remaining forces waging an insurgency against the ruling junta, but it has been accused by human-rights groups of mistreating its own people. Like the Rohingya, the Chin claim the junta persecutes them in part because of their religious beliefs. Most Chin are American Baptists, having been converted by missionaries in the 19th century. Although tens of thousands of Chin are believed to have sought refuge in India since the junta came to power, the New York-based NGO Human Rights Watch claimed in a report released on Jan 28 that New Delhi has forcibly repatriated many Chin, essentially handing them back to their persecutors.
Karen
The second-largest ethnic group after the Burmans, the Karen have also waged a long rebellion against the Burmese junta seeking either self-determination or even independence, depending on which insurgence group. Both Christian and Buddhist, the Karen have been plagued by internal strife between rival factions over the past couple of decades. A general ceasefire framework with the central government is in place but occasional flashpoints of fighting still occur. Karen villagers, who tend to live in the Irrawaddy Delta and in the border region between Burma and Thailand, have been victims of forced relocation and labor programs run by the Burmese military.
Kachin
Mostly Christians, the Kachin live in northern Burma and were famous during colonial times for their battle skills. Although they, too, waged a decades-long armed struggle against the Burman-dominated regime, the Kachin signed a ceasefire with the government in 1994. Despite a boom in forestry and casinos in Kachin State, quality of life for many Kachin remains poor, with forced-labor campaigns common, along with human-trafficking to nearby China.
http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1874981,00.html?xid=rss-world
UK Government - Burma’s 2010 Election Will Entrench Military Rule
January 30, 2009 ·
30 Jan 2009British Foreign Office Minister Bill Rammell MP has strongly criticised the Burmese military regime’s elections planned for 2010, saying that they are “designed to entrench military rule behind a facade of civilian government.”
The Burma Campaign UK welcomed the statement from the Minister, and called on other governments to follow the British lead in recognising that the 2010 elections do not represent progress towards democracy.
“The 2010 elections could be the freest and fairest in the world, but it would make little difference as the constitution they bring in keeps the dictatorship in power”, said Mark Farmaner, Director of Burma Campaign UK. “The British government is right to condemn them. The United Nations should focus on the release of political prisoners as a first step towards genuine negotiations and a transition to democracy. We hope UN Envoy Ibrahim Gambari will make this his top priority, and not be duped by the regime’s 2010 election con.”
UN Envoy Ibrahim Gambari is due to visit Burma later this week.
Bill Rammell’s written statement came in response to a Parliamentary Question by Jim Cunningham MP on 12th January 2009, and was published in Hansard. The Minister also stated that; “We will continue to give our full support to the UN Secretary General and his efforts to break the current deadlock.”
The United Nations had been trying to broker tri-partite dialogue between Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy, ethnic groups, and the regime. The regime has defied the UN Security Council and General Assembly, and instead pushed ahead with its so-called road-map to democracy. Among the many undemocratic measures in the new constitution, the military have an effective veto over decisions made by the new Parliament and government.
Full statement from the Minister:Mr. Jim Cunningham: To ask the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs what recent assessment the Government have made of the political situation in Myanmar.Bill Rammell: The military regime in Burma is determined to maintain its hold on power regardless of the cost and suffering of its people. The junta’s ‘Roadmap to disciplined democracy’, including a new constitution and elections planned for 2010, is designed to entrench military rule behind a facade of civilian government. The process excludes the opposition and meaningful participation by the ethnic groups. Fundamental rights are consistently ignored. Since early November, over 200 pro-democracy activists have been given sentences of up to 65 years in prison. These severe sentences are clearly designed to silence all dissent ahead of the 2010 elections. There are now over 2,200 political prisoners in detention, including opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, and other pro-democracy leaders. Ethnic minority groups have been methodically marginalised. Against this backdrop, we will continue to do all we can to generate international pressure for a peaceful transition to democracy and respect for human rights in Burma. In particular, we will continue to give our full support to the UN Secretary General and his efforts to break the current deadlock.
For more information contact Mark Farmaner on +66 856495839 , or call the Burma Campaign UK office on +44 2073244710 .http://www.burmacampaign.org.uk/pm/weblog.php?id=P414
30 Jan 2009British Foreign Office Minister Bill Rammell MP has strongly criticised the Burmese military regime’s elections planned for 2010, saying that they are “designed to entrench military rule behind a facade of civilian government.”
The Burma Campaign UK welcomed the statement from the Minister, and called on other governments to follow the British lead in recognising that the 2010 elections do not represent progress towards democracy.
“The 2010 elections could be the freest and fairest in the world, but it would make little difference as the constitution they bring in keeps the dictatorship in power”, said Mark Farmaner, Director of Burma Campaign UK. “The British government is right to condemn them. The United Nations should focus on the release of political prisoners as a first step towards genuine negotiations and a transition to democracy. We hope UN Envoy Ibrahim Gambari will make this his top priority, and not be duped by the regime’s 2010 election con.”
UN Envoy Ibrahim Gambari is due to visit Burma later this week.
Bill Rammell’s written statement came in response to a Parliamentary Question by Jim Cunningham MP on 12th January 2009, and was published in Hansard. The Minister also stated that; “We will continue to give our full support to the UN Secretary General and his efforts to break the current deadlock.”
The United Nations had been trying to broker tri-partite dialogue between Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy, ethnic groups, and the regime. The regime has defied the UN Security Council and General Assembly, and instead pushed ahead with its so-called road-map to democracy. Among the many undemocratic measures in the new constitution, the military have an effective veto over decisions made by the new Parliament and government.
Full statement from the Minister:Mr. Jim Cunningham: To ask the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs what recent assessment the Government have made of the political situation in Myanmar.Bill Rammell: The military regime in Burma is determined to maintain its hold on power regardless of the cost and suffering of its people. The junta’s ‘Roadmap to disciplined democracy’, including a new constitution and elections planned for 2010, is designed to entrench military rule behind a facade of civilian government. The process excludes the opposition and meaningful participation by the ethnic groups. Fundamental rights are consistently ignored. Since early November, over 200 pro-democracy activists have been given sentences of up to 65 years in prison. These severe sentences are clearly designed to silence all dissent ahead of the 2010 elections. There are now over 2,200 political prisoners in detention, including opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, and other pro-democracy leaders. Ethnic minority groups have been methodically marginalised. Against this backdrop, we will continue to do all we can to generate international pressure for a peaceful transition to democracy and respect for human rights in Burma. In particular, we will continue to give our full support to the UN Secretary General and his efforts to break the current deadlock.
For more information contact Mark Farmaner on +66 856495839 , or call the Burma Campaign UK office on +44 2073244710 .http://www.burmacampaign.org.uk/pm/weblog.php?id=P414
Friday, January 30, 2009
Monthly report: Living between two fires: villager opinions on armed insurgency
January 29, 2009
January 29, 2009I. IntroductionThe mountains and thick jungle of the area between Mon Stat’s southern Ye Township and northern Yebyu District in northern Tenasserim Division make it an ideal staging ground for armed rebels. Burma’s State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) government’s desire to fully control the countryside – a desire strengthened by the proximity of gas pipelines – have lead to intense militarization of countryside as the government fights to pacify the area. The high concentration of SPDC battalions and the scorched earth tactics they employ in their operations against rebels means that the area is consistently the site of the worst human rights violations on Burma’s southern peninsula.
http://www.rehmonnya.org/data/MFreport-Jan09.pdf
In November, HURFOM extensively documented abuses committed by SPDC army battalions in the Ye and Tavoy. This report continues to focus on the region, and provides an update on SPDC abuses documented since November. The primary focus of this report, however, is instead on the relationship between armed rebels in the area and the villagers upon whose support they depend. After first describing armed groups in the area, it focuses of the group that has been most active lately, known after its leader Nai Chan Dein. Nai Chan Dein has developed a fearsome reputation amongst both the SPDC army he fights and the villagers he heavily taxes; for many villagers, he is to be feared as much as SPDC battalions. Life in parts of Ye and Tavoy, then, requires a delicate balancing act as villagers work to avoid abuse from both sides. “We are normal people who have to be afraid of both groups,” a villager in Tavoy told HURFOM. “Between the two groups, we have no chance.”The bulk of this report provides forum for villagers to air opinions on the Nai Chan Dein group and armed resistance in general. Responses are selected from nearly 50 interviews conducted during January with current residents in Ye and Tavoy, as well as former residents who have since fled. This report should not be taken as an opinion survey, however, for its sample size is too small and its subject selection necessarily biased. Sources quoted in this report are, for safety’s sake, only subjects willing to run the risk of speaking with announced reporters. Instead, the point of this report is give voice to people on whose behalf war is ostensibly being waged.
II. Mon Rebels, and abuse
A. Fertile forests, for farmers and fighting
Average income in southern Ye Township in Mon State and northern Tavoy District in Tenasserim Division is low, and many people survive on just 20,000 to 25,000 kyat a month ($16 to $20 USD). The area’s many betel nut and rubber plantations are relatively bountiful, however, and economic circumstances for the area’s primarily ethnic Mon, Karen and Tavoyan residents are comparatively strong. Indeed, employment opportunities – and deliberate resettlement efforts by SPDC battalions – have drawn increasing numbers of ethnic Burmans to the area. The mountains and jungle in the area also mean that it remains a place in which armed insurgents continue to operate. Until the mid 1990s, at least thirteen groups conducted operations in the area though most have now disbanded or signed ceasefire agreements with the SPDC, most notably the Mon National Liberation Army (MNLA) in 1995. The MNLA is the armed wing of the largest Mon political party, the New Mon Start Party (NMSP).
Read all http://www.rehmonnya.org/data/MFreport-Jan09.pdf
January 29, 2009I. IntroductionThe mountains and thick jungle of the area between Mon Stat’s southern Ye Township and northern Yebyu District in northern Tenasserim Division make it an ideal staging ground for armed rebels. Burma’s State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) government’s desire to fully control the countryside – a desire strengthened by the proximity of gas pipelines – have lead to intense militarization of countryside as the government fights to pacify the area. The high concentration of SPDC battalions and the scorched earth tactics they employ in their operations against rebels means that the area is consistently the site of the worst human rights violations on Burma’s southern peninsula.
http://www.rehmonnya.org/data/MFreport-Jan09.pdf
In November, HURFOM extensively documented abuses committed by SPDC army battalions in the Ye and Tavoy. This report continues to focus on the region, and provides an update on SPDC abuses documented since November. The primary focus of this report, however, is instead on the relationship between armed rebels in the area and the villagers upon whose support they depend. After first describing armed groups in the area, it focuses of the group that has been most active lately, known after its leader Nai Chan Dein. Nai Chan Dein has developed a fearsome reputation amongst both the SPDC army he fights and the villagers he heavily taxes; for many villagers, he is to be feared as much as SPDC battalions. Life in parts of Ye and Tavoy, then, requires a delicate balancing act as villagers work to avoid abuse from both sides. “We are normal people who have to be afraid of both groups,” a villager in Tavoy told HURFOM. “Between the two groups, we have no chance.”The bulk of this report provides forum for villagers to air opinions on the Nai Chan Dein group and armed resistance in general. Responses are selected from nearly 50 interviews conducted during January with current residents in Ye and Tavoy, as well as former residents who have since fled. This report should not be taken as an opinion survey, however, for its sample size is too small and its subject selection necessarily biased. Sources quoted in this report are, for safety’s sake, only subjects willing to run the risk of speaking with announced reporters. Instead, the point of this report is give voice to people on whose behalf war is ostensibly being waged.
II. Mon Rebels, and abuse
A. Fertile forests, for farmers and fighting
Average income in southern Ye Township in Mon State and northern Tavoy District in Tenasserim Division is low, and many people survive on just 20,000 to 25,000 kyat a month ($16 to $20 USD). The area’s many betel nut and rubber plantations are relatively bountiful, however, and economic circumstances for the area’s primarily ethnic Mon, Karen and Tavoyan residents are comparatively strong. Indeed, employment opportunities – and deliberate resettlement efforts by SPDC battalions – have drawn increasing numbers of ethnic Burmans to the area. The mountains and jungle in the area also mean that it remains a place in which armed insurgents continue to operate. Until the mid 1990s, at least thirteen groups conducted operations in the area though most have now disbanded or signed ceasefire agreements with the SPDC, most notably the Mon National Liberation Army (MNLA) in 1995. The MNLA is the armed wing of the largest Mon political party, the New Mon Start Party (NMSP).
Read all http://www.rehmonnya.org/data/MFreport-Jan09.pdf
People will be forced to support SPDC parties in 2010 Elections- HURFORM
January 29, 2009
January 29, 2009In Mon State and other parts of Burma, the local authorities from the ruling military regime have started ‘public relations’ activities to encourage the people to support government-supported political parties in coming 2010 Elections.Amid international and domestic pressure to engage in genuine political dialogue, the SPDC will move on with its 7-points roadmap to “disciplined democracy.” By learning lessons from its loss in the 1990 Elections, the regime plans to guarantee its own political parties win 2010.SPDC authorities in Mon State are traveling from one village tract to another and mobilizing village headmen, fire brigades, government administrative departments and civilian groups like the Union Solidarity and Development association to prepare for the election.Similarly to the un-democratic referendum that confirmed an un-democratic constitution in May, the general people will be forced to vote government parties in the elections. Un-free and unfair elections will be held, and the regime will win.The elections may be called “democratic,” but the people cannot foresee political freedom and the people will still not have human rights or democracy.
January 29, 2009In Mon State and other parts of Burma, the local authorities from the ruling military regime have started ‘public relations’ activities to encourage the people to support government-supported political parties in coming 2010 Elections.Amid international and domestic pressure to engage in genuine political dialogue, the SPDC will move on with its 7-points roadmap to “disciplined democracy.” By learning lessons from its loss in the 1990 Elections, the regime plans to guarantee its own political parties win 2010.SPDC authorities in Mon State are traveling from one village tract to another and mobilizing village headmen, fire brigades, government administrative departments and civilian groups like the Union Solidarity and Development association to prepare for the election.Similarly to the un-democratic referendum that confirmed an un-democratic constitution in May, the general people will be forced to vote government parties in the elections. Un-free and unfair elections will be held, and the regime will win.The elections may be called “democratic,” but the people cannot foresee political freedom and the people will still not have human rights or democracy.
11 villagers remain detained after Karen rebel steals gun from army
January 29, 2009
January 28, 2009HURFOM: Eleven villagers are being detained as Burmese soldiers attempt to retrieve a pistol stolen by a Karen rebel in Lamine Township, Mon State.In the second week of January, Military Operations Management Command No. 19, lead by military column commander Khin Maung Cho, arrested eleven villagers from Kanine Ka Moke village Lamine Township, Mon State.“All of the victims are innocent people,” said a man, 36, from Kanine Ka Moke village. “There are four men and seven women, including a six year old girl and a seventy year old man.” As of January 27th, Light Infantry Battalion No. 587 was still holding all 11 villagers. HURFOM could not, however, confirm how they are being treated.The arrests followed the theft of a pistol from captain Aung Win Zaw of LIB No. 597 in the third week of December. According to a Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) soldier in the area, the 9 mm gun was snatched from the captain’s hip as he walked home. According to the KNLA soldier, as well as HURFOM’s field reporter in the area, a soldier from Column 4 of KNLA Battalion 16, Brigade 6, stole the gun.LIB No. 587 has been trying to retrieve the pistol ever since, say local sources. According to a villager, Khin Maung Cho has been threatening villagers. “If I don’t get the gun back,” a villager quoted him as saying, “all of you will be put in jail.
January 28, 2009HURFOM: Eleven villagers are being detained as Burmese soldiers attempt to retrieve a pistol stolen by a Karen rebel in Lamine Township, Mon State.In the second week of January, Military Operations Management Command No. 19, lead by military column commander Khin Maung Cho, arrested eleven villagers from Kanine Ka Moke village Lamine Township, Mon State.“All of the victims are innocent people,” said a man, 36, from Kanine Ka Moke village. “There are four men and seven women, including a six year old girl and a seventy year old man.” As of January 27th, Light Infantry Battalion No. 587 was still holding all 11 villagers. HURFOM could not, however, confirm how they are being treated.The arrests followed the theft of a pistol from captain Aung Win Zaw of LIB No. 597 in the third week of December. According to a Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) soldier in the area, the 9 mm gun was snatched from the captain’s hip as he walked home. According to the KNLA soldier, as well as HURFOM’s field reporter in the area, a soldier from Column 4 of KNLA Battalion 16, Brigade 6, stole the gun.LIB No. 587 has been trying to retrieve the pistol ever since, say local sources. According to a villager, Khin Maung Cho has been threatening villagers. “If I don’t get the gun back,” a villager quoted him as saying, “all of you will be put in jail.
FBR REPORT: The Enemy on the Road — Life in Northern Karen State
FBR REPORT: The Enemy on the Road — Life in Northern Karen State
Karen State, Burma
29 January, 2009
Dear friends,
Thanks for your love and prayers. Thanks too for all of your support and your encouragement. It means a lot to us here and lifts us up. We cannot do this work alone and are grateful to be on the same team.
Burma Army Car Roads
Here in Northern Karen State, the Burma Army continues to shoot and kill people, to rape and to destroy, to dominate and to hold on to other people’s land. In the past two months its main focus has been to move supplies and troops to its camps. The Burma Army has not launched any major offensives here in the north since its attacks in Mone Township, Nyaunglebin District between September and November 2008. However, because of where the new roads have been placed and the troops and camps on these roads, many villagers who fled during the height of the offensive (which displaced 30,000 people) in 2006 and 2007 still cannot go home. The roads not only enable the Burma Army to stock their camps and project their power more rapidly through the area, they also serve as formidable barriers to people trying to cross them. The roads cut through farms and villages, displacing all people along their axis, and separating communities from each other. The roads are patrolled and mined by the Burma Army, and thus act as barriers to travel, trade and the sending of relief. During this mission we have had to cross two of these roads to bring humanitarian assistance to people in need. With the help of the Karen Resistance (Karen National Union pro-democracy ethnic resistance group) we were able to cross the first road without incident. However, three days before we planned to cross the second road a Burma Army patrol shot and killed one Karen soldier and wounded another as they were trying to help villagers cross the same road. Again, with the help of the local resistance, we and IDPs who also needed to go were able to cross the second road, and to avoid the Burma Army.
The Enemy on the Road
Before we actually crossed this second road, we went to do a reconnaissance of a Burma Army camp and a road they had built in 2007. We sent most of our relief team to a nearby IDP site to give medical treatment and do a Good Life Club (GLC) program for women and children and then took a small team to photograph the Burma Army camps and road. This is a road that connects the town of Toungoo in the plains to the northwest to the Kyauk Kyi — Hsaw Hta road (please see map) that runs west to east and cuts through the middle of northern Karen State. The valley we went to is called Ler Mu Plaw and was once a major rice producing area for this region.
Map of area showing new Burma Army car roads (FBR)
From the side of a ridge we looked out over the now empty valley with charred remains of houses dotted across abandoned rice fields. One end of the valley was guarded by a Burma Army camp on a hill, and a road ran from the camp both ways. The southern extension ran south to connect to another road and camp network, and on to the Kyauk Kyi-Hsaw Hta road. To the north the road runs through the mountains and to the plains and the city of Toungoo. As we watched, a Burma Army column of about 100 troops marched north from a camp that dominates the Ler Mu Pla valley. At the northern end of the valley, and also on the road, was another column waiting to meet them. The Burma Army troops moved in a long column and trooped up the road though the valley cleared of all Karen villages. It was an empty valley, save for them.
Burma Army column moves on new road through Ler Mu Plaw valley (FBR)
Burma Army on road near burned house in Ler Mu Plaw (Partners)
This was the same road that we would have to cross later and, unbeknownst to us, at this time families were trying to cross this very road eight miles to the north. Two Karen soldiers went ahead to check the road and to provide security for the families and were attacked by Burma Army troops who were hiding on the edge of the road. When we got back to the Karen IDP site where we had started that morning we heard that the Burma Army had killed one Karen soldier and wounded another. Both soldiers were shot in the road while checking to see if it was safe for the villagers to cross. When the shooting started the villagers trying to cross the road ran back and escaped. After the recon, and on the way to link up with the GLC/medical treatment team, we met the wounded soldier who had been trying to help people across the road when his fellow soldier was killed and he was shot. He was being treated by one of our medics and the local staff of the mobile clinic in this area. He said the Burma Army was waiting on the road, but he did not see them. He and his friend were standing on the road, radioing ahead. They were getting ready to bring the IDPs across when the Burma Army opened fire, shooting his friend to the ground and shooting at him. He tried to return fire but his ageing weapon jammed after the first shot. He ran to help his friend, grabbed him by the shoulder and tried to drag him off the road. His friend was hit again and killed and at the same time he himself was hit twice causing him to drop his radio. He let go of his now dead friend and ran off the road. He was helped by other Karen soldiers who were protecting the IDP sites and villages nearby. He was carried to where our team was doing the program for IDPs. One of our medics treated him and he was carried to a clinic.
On the way back to the clinic, we met a family with all their belongings. We knew each other as I had stayed in the village and they had seen us and our teams many times throughout the years. They said that because of the attacks of the Burma Army they could not stay in their homes any more. They were now fleeing further south where they hoped would be a safer place and where they could continue farming. We gave them some help for their journey and prayed with them. And, even though we were all unhappy that they were leaving their homes, it was good to see each other on the way.
We then continued on to the clinic where the soldier was being treated. He was in stable condition and while the medics cared for him we prayed for him and his wife, who was also there.
He was in pain but only asked us for a new radio and new uniform as his pants were ruined by the gunshots. The medics said they would leave both bullets in his leg as they had missed any vital organs and that he would make a full recovery. (As of this report he is steadily improving). We then went on and re-united with the GLC/medical treatment team. This team was just finishing up the treatment of patients and had handed out relief supplies.
Karen, Karenni, Shan, PaO, Kachin, Arakan and Chin medics give medical and dental treatment for IDPs (FBR)
Mary Wah: The Human Cost
We played a soccer game with the people from the village and then, after that, one of the families came asking for a medic. They said that there was a lady named Mary Wah who was very sick, and that she apparently had overdosed on the anti-malarial drug quinine. It looked like she had tried to kill herself and was now in very bad condition. We were told her husband had stepped on a landmine two months earlier and died, and that she was in despair. (This was on the same road we had just looked at and the same one on which the Karen soldier had been wounded and his friend killed). We were told that two months ago in November 2008, the husband was crossing the road and stepped on a landmine which blew his leg off. In his agony he killed himself with his hunting rifle. His wife, Mary Wah, had now tried to kill herself. Even though she had a seven month-old son, she did not want to live. One of our team members from Partners who was part of the team that went to help her wrote the whole story down and this is his report:
“Mary Wah is from Htee Po Lo, the oldest of 9 children. On November 11, 2006, at 11:10 am, Burma Army troops came to their village. They burned down 12-18 homes, shot and wounded one villager, and destroyed all their rice barns. Mary Wah, her family, and all the other villagers escaped unharmed but lost all of their possessions and homes. Mary Wah and her friends finished the school year in the jungle.
Her husband is from De Mee Hkee. They got married when she was 15 on May 24, 2007. Because of Burma Army activities they moved to their current hide site to try and survive. 7 months ago Mary Wah gave birth to a healthy baby boy.
Two months ago, Her husband Mo Chi Wah went to a nearby village for supplies. While on his way back home he stepped on a Burma Army landmine and died. The following day his body was found by other villagers.
On 13 January 2009, Mary Wah ate 50 quinine pills, 20 aspirin, and 30 antibiotic capsules. She was found on the floor of her bamboo hut by her neighbor. When our team arrived [where?] Eliya, Doh Say, and Tha U Wa A Pa were asked to come and help her. Our head medic, Eliya, arrived at her house around 10pm. She was in shock with low blood pressure. He administered medicine and got her on an IV. Tha U Wa A Pa and Doh Say prayed that God would heal her and minister to her. Her life was saved.
Doh Say and I went to pray for her the next morning. Later that day Tha U Wa A Pa and Tha Ka Paw Doh also went to pray with her and encourage her that God loved her, that many people, like her family and our team loved her, that God had special things for her to do, and that she was needed.
The night before we left, Doh Say and I went to pray with her again. I had a lot of things to do that day and was tired. I didn’t feel like going back across the river to meet her. Then Doh Say turned to me and said “You gave your word.” I felt convicted that I must do my duty, ashamed that I almost didn’t, and grateful that we did.
We brought her sweet cakes and milk. I talked to her mother who was there to help her and then bring her home when she recovered. Her mother said: “after her husband died she became helpless. She could not care for or feed her son.” Mary said “I felt very confused. I could not cope. I decided to kill myself.” Now as we talked and prayed she smiled and seemed encouraged.
I made her a bracelet with colors that symbolized God’s love . We gave her some help to take care of her son and I told her I would remember and pray for her. I prayed with her and Doh Say affirmed the value of her life as a child of God, a mother, and a woman with a future. As we left her parents told us, “Thank you so much and please come back when you can”.
K2
The next day we and our teams crossed this same road to continue the relief mission in northwestern Nyaunglebin District and southern Toungoo District, also known as K2. To reach the crossing point, we had to go through the Baw Kaw Pla Valley, that once held four Karen villages and high yield rice fields. On our last visit here, in 2006, we had visited these villages and the village schools and seen the local boarding school with over of 75 children from outlying areas in attendance. Even then, however, the Burma Army had established two camps that are on ridges overlooking the valley and had begun shelling the villages, especially targeting the school. After a year of constant shelling and casualties (including the boarding school headmaster), the villagers gave up and evacuated. Now the villages and schools are gone, along with almost all of the houses. The jungle is rapidly claiming the rice fields, gardens and orchards. A covered bridge at the entrance to what was the village still bears the sign “Gate of Hope”.
'Gate of Hope'at abandoned school site (FBR)
Because crossings of the car roads are so difficult, villagers must often wait for days, or even months, to successfully cross the roads. On the day we crossed, many villagers from both the north and south sides of the road crossed with us, carrying the children too young to walk, along with loads of belongings or things to sell in the neighboring regions. The KNU provides security, clearing for landmines before the crossing and securing both sides of the road as the people cross.
Families run across the road during car road crossing (FBR)
In the area we visited here there are over 9,000 people in hiding. We split the teams into three groups to try to cover most of this area. We went from village to village and hide site to hide site to provide medical and other care. The teams treated over 2,000 patients and gave out blankets, mosquito nets, clothes, and Good Life Club-mother and child packs. continue http://www.freeburmarangers.org/Reports/2009/20090128.html
Karen State, Burma
29 January, 2009
Dear friends,
Thanks for your love and prayers. Thanks too for all of your support and your encouragement. It means a lot to us here and lifts us up. We cannot do this work alone and are grateful to be on the same team.
Burma Army Car Roads
Here in Northern Karen State, the Burma Army continues to shoot and kill people, to rape and to destroy, to dominate and to hold on to other people’s land. In the past two months its main focus has been to move supplies and troops to its camps. The Burma Army has not launched any major offensives here in the north since its attacks in Mone Township, Nyaunglebin District between September and November 2008. However, because of where the new roads have been placed and the troops and camps on these roads, many villagers who fled during the height of the offensive (which displaced 30,000 people) in 2006 and 2007 still cannot go home. The roads not only enable the Burma Army to stock their camps and project their power more rapidly through the area, they also serve as formidable barriers to people trying to cross them. The roads cut through farms and villages, displacing all people along their axis, and separating communities from each other. The roads are patrolled and mined by the Burma Army, and thus act as barriers to travel, trade and the sending of relief. During this mission we have had to cross two of these roads to bring humanitarian assistance to people in need. With the help of the Karen Resistance (Karen National Union pro-democracy ethnic resistance group) we were able to cross the first road without incident. However, three days before we planned to cross the second road a Burma Army patrol shot and killed one Karen soldier and wounded another as they were trying to help villagers cross the same road. Again, with the help of the local resistance, we and IDPs who also needed to go were able to cross the second road, and to avoid the Burma Army.
The Enemy on the Road
Before we actually crossed this second road, we went to do a reconnaissance of a Burma Army camp and a road they had built in 2007. We sent most of our relief team to a nearby IDP site to give medical treatment and do a Good Life Club (GLC) program for women and children and then took a small team to photograph the Burma Army camps and road. This is a road that connects the town of Toungoo in the plains to the northwest to the Kyauk Kyi — Hsaw Hta road (please see map) that runs west to east and cuts through the middle of northern Karen State. The valley we went to is called Ler Mu Plaw and was once a major rice producing area for this region.
Map of area showing new Burma Army car roads (FBR)From the side of a ridge we looked out over the now empty valley with charred remains of houses dotted across abandoned rice fields. One end of the valley was guarded by a Burma Army camp on a hill, and a road ran from the camp both ways. The southern extension ran south to connect to another road and camp network, and on to the Kyauk Kyi-Hsaw Hta road. To the north the road runs through the mountains and to the plains and the city of Toungoo. As we watched, a Burma Army column of about 100 troops marched north from a camp that dominates the Ler Mu Pla valley. At the northern end of the valley, and also on the road, was another column waiting to meet them. The Burma Army troops moved in a long column and trooped up the road though the valley cleared of all Karen villages. It was an empty valley, save for them.
Burma Army column moves on new road through Ler Mu Plaw valley (FBR)Burma Army on road near burned house in Ler Mu Plaw (Partners)This was the same road that we would have to cross later and, unbeknownst to us, at this time families were trying to cross this very road eight miles to the north. Two Karen soldiers went ahead to check the road and to provide security for the families and were attacked by Burma Army troops who were hiding on the edge of the road. When we got back to the Karen IDP site where we had started that morning we heard that the Burma Army had killed one Karen soldier and wounded another. Both soldiers were shot in the road while checking to see if it was safe for the villagers to cross. When the shooting started the villagers trying to cross the road ran back and escaped. After the recon, and on the way to link up with the GLC/medical treatment team, we met the wounded soldier who had been trying to help people across the road when his fellow soldier was killed and he was shot. He was being treated by one of our medics and the local staff of the mobile clinic in this area. He said the Burma Army was waiting on the road, but he did not see them. He and his friend were standing on the road, radioing ahead. They were getting ready to bring the IDPs across when the Burma Army opened fire, shooting his friend to the ground and shooting at him. He tried to return fire but his ageing weapon jammed after the first shot. He ran to help his friend, grabbed him by the shoulder and tried to drag him off the road. His friend was hit again and killed and at the same time he himself was hit twice causing him to drop his radio. He let go of his now dead friend and ran off the road. He was helped by other Karen soldiers who were protecting the IDP sites and villages nearby. He was carried to where our team was doing the program for IDPs. One of our medics treated him and he was carried to a clinic.
On the way back to the clinic, we met a family with all their belongings. We knew each other as I had stayed in the village and they had seen us and our teams many times throughout the years. They said that because of the attacks of the Burma Army they could not stay in their homes any more. They were now fleeing further south where they hoped would be a safer place and where they could continue farming. We gave them some help for their journey and prayed with them. And, even though we were all unhappy that they were leaving their homes, it was good to see each other on the way.
We then continued on to the clinic where the soldier was being treated. He was in stable condition and while the medics cared for him we prayed for him and his wife, who was also there.
He was in pain but only asked us for a new radio and new uniform as his pants were ruined by the gunshots. The medics said they would leave both bullets in his leg as they had missed any vital organs and that he would make a full recovery. (As of this report he is steadily improving). We then went on and re-united with the GLC/medical treatment team. This team was just finishing up the treatment of patients and had handed out relief supplies.
Karen, Karenni, Shan, PaO, Kachin, Arakan and Chin medics give medical and dental treatment for IDPs (FBR)Mary Wah: The Human Cost
We played a soccer game with the people from the village and then, after that, one of the families came asking for a medic. They said that there was a lady named Mary Wah who was very sick, and that she apparently had overdosed on the anti-malarial drug quinine. It looked like she had tried to kill herself and was now in very bad condition. We were told her husband had stepped on a landmine two months earlier and died, and that she was in despair. (This was on the same road we had just looked at and the same one on which the Karen soldier had been wounded and his friend killed). We were told that two months ago in November 2008, the husband was crossing the road and stepped on a landmine which blew his leg off. In his agony he killed himself with his hunting rifle. His wife, Mary Wah, had now tried to kill herself. Even though she had a seven month-old son, she did not want to live. One of our team members from Partners who was part of the team that went to help her wrote the whole story down and this is his report:
“Mary Wah is from Htee Po Lo, the oldest of 9 children. On November 11, 2006, at 11:10 am, Burma Army troops came to their village. They burned down 12-18 homes, shot and wounded one villager, and destroyed all their rice barns. Mary Wah, her family, and all the other villagers escaped unharmed but lost all of their possessions and homes. Mary Wah and her friends finished the school year in the jungle.Her husband is from De Mee Hkee. They got married when she was 15 on May 24, 2007. Because of Burma Army activities they moved to their current hide site to try and survive. 7 months ago Mary Wah gave birth to a healthy baby boy.
Two months ago, Her husband Mo Chi Wah went to a nearby village for supplies. While on his way back home he stepped on a Burma Army landmine and died. The following day his body was found by other villagers.
On 13 January 2009, Mary Wah ate 50 quinine pills, 20 aspirin, and 30 antibiotic capsules. She was found on the floor of her bamboo hut by her neighbor. When our team arrived [where?] Eliya, Doh Say, and Tha U Wa A Pa were asked to come and help her. Our head medic, Eliya, arrived at her house around 10pm. She was in shock with low blood pressure. He administered medicine and got her on an IV. Tha U Wa A Pa and Doh Say prayed that God would heal her and minister to her. Her life was saved.
Doh Say and I went to pray for her the next morning. Later that day Tha U Wa A Pa and Tha Ka Paw Doh also went to pray with her and encourage her that God loved her, that many people, like her family and our team loved her, that God had special things for her to do, and that she was needed.
The night before we left, Doh Say and I went to pray with her again. I had a lot of things to do that day and was tired. I didn’t feel like going back across the river to meet her. Then Doh Say turned to me and said “You gave your word.” I felt convicted that I must do my duty, ashamed that I almost didn’t, and grateful that we did.
We brought her sweet cakes and milk. I talked to her mother who was there to help her and then bring her home when she recovered. Her mother said: “after her husband died she became helpless. She could not care for or feed her son.” Mary said “I felt very confused. I could not cope. I decided to kill myself.” Now as we talked and prayed she smiled and seemed encouraged.
I made her a bracelet with colors that symbolized God’s love . We gave her some help to take care of her son and I told her I would remember and pray for her. I prayed with her and Doh Say affirmed the value of her life as a child of God, a mother, and a woman with a future. As we left her parents told us, “Thank you so much and please come back when you can”.
K2
The next day we and our teams crossed this same road to continue the relief mission in northwestern Nyaunglebin District and southern Toungoo District, also known as K2. To reach the crossing point, we had to go through the Baw Kaw Pla Valley, that once held four Karen villages and high yield rice fields. On our last visit here, in 2006, we had visited these villages and the village schools and seen the local boarding school with over of 75 children from outlying areas in attendance. Even then, however, the Burma Army had established two camps that are on ridges overlooking the valley and had begun shelling the villages, especially targeting the school. After a year of constant shelling and casualties (including the boarding school headmaster), the villagers gave up and evacuated. Now the villages and schools are gone, along with almost all of the houses. The jungle is rapidly claiming the rice fields, gardens and orchards. A covered bridge at the entrance to what was the village still bears the sign “Gate of Hope”.
'Gate of Hope'at abandoned school site (FBR)Because crossings of the car roads are so difficult, villagers must often wait for days, or even months, to successfully cross the roads. On the day we crossed, many villagers from both the north and south sides of the road crossed with us, carrying the children too young to walk, along with loads of belongings or things to sell in the neighboring regions. The KNU provides security, clearing for landmines before the crossing and securing both sides of the road as the people cross.
Families run across the road during car road crossing (FBR)In the area we visited here there are over 9,000 people in hiding. We split the teams into three groups to try to cover most of this area. We went from village to village and hide site to hide site to provide medical and other care. The teams treated over 2,000 patients and gave out blankets, mosquito nets, clothes, and Good Life Club-mother and child packs. continue http://www.freeburmarangers.org/Reports/2009/20090128.html
KNU overrules local officials, halts logging after SPDC general harvests 2,500 tons
January 28, 2009
Wed 28 Jan 2009, IMNA
District level authorities from the Karen National Union (KNU) have ordered Htay Company, owned by Major General Hla Htay Win, to halt logging in the Makate Forest near Three Pagodas Pass. The halt order overrules local officials and military officers, who had permitted Htay Company to harvest over 2,500 tons of ironwood.
The 50,000 acre Makate Forest, one of the largest remaining large-timber forests in Burma’s southeastern border area, stands inside KNU Dooplaya District. The KNU and Brigade 6 of its armed wing, the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA), have strictly controlled the forest with local villagers reporting that they are not allowed to log or even hunt within its reaches.
At the advent of the 2008 rainy season, however, Htay Company purchased logging rights from officials from Kyainnseikyi township administrative offices, the Dooplaya District Forestry Department and Battalion No. 17 of Brigade 6. The company began logging after the rains subsided in November, harvesting over 2,500 tons of timber in just two months.
The logging distressed local villagers, who felt that a forest they had been watching over for generations was being destroyed. In December, 5 representatives from 20 villages in the area drafted a complaint letter to the Dooplaya District Committee, which overseas the area.
According to Saw Liston, Dooplaya District Secretary, the villagers timed their letter to arrive on December 29th, immediately before a regularly scheduled forestry meeting involving district and township level officials. “Local villagers wrote a letter because they have protected this forest since before their grandmothers and grandfathers were alive,” Saw Liston told IMNA. “They said ‘the KNU is trading our heritage for money from the Htay company. Later, will the KNU also eat our rice?’”
Before receiving the letter, district level KNU authorities had not been aware of the logging by Htay Company, Saw Liston said, and in the subsequent meeting the Dooplaya District Committee ordered the logging to be halted. “Htay Company had an agreement with lower level district officials, but of this we did not know. When the villagers reported to us, we found out and then we discussed it in our meeting.”
Though the logging has halted, the Htay Company is being permitted to remove trees that have already been cut. “As our lower officers already made an agreement with the Htay Company, we will allow them to remove the trees they already cut,” Saw Liston told IMNA. “But we will not give them permission to cut any more trees. They have until May to remove their trees. This information has been informed to the Htay Company.”
In spite of the premature end to the timber project, Htay Company stands to make significant income. According to Htay Company sources, the large trees – each at least 15 feet in circumference and weighing 2 to 3 tons – fetch 30,000 baht per ton. Timber from the Makate forest, however, is likely destined to fetch an even higher price. According to a truck driver who is transporting timber for Htay Company, the trees are being transported to Abit village in Mudon Township, Mon State, where it is transferred and continues on for export from Rangoon.
According to an IMNA source in the Three Pagodas Pass Special Branch Police, Htay Company is owned by Major General Hla Htay Win, the former Rangoon Commander who was recently named Chief of Military Training.
With 10,000 acres and 2,500 tons of timber harvested – one fifth of the Makate forestland – local villagers left with the short end of the stick described the cultural and environmental impacts of the logging. “When the Htay Company cuts even one ironwood tree, it is very big and it destroys all the small trees around when it falls,” said one area resident. “And they [Htay loggers] leave all the branches from the trees they cut. They just leave the branches and there will fires in the hot season.”
http://www.monnews-imna.com/newsupdate.php?ID=1303
Wed 28 Jan 2009, IMNA
District level authorities from the Karen National Union (KNU) have ordered Htay Company, owned by Major General Hla Htay Win, to halt logging in the Makate Forest near Three Pagodas Pass. The halt order overrules local officials and military officers, who had permitted Htay Company to harvest over 2,500 tons of ironwood.
The 50,000 acre Makate Forest, one of the largest remaining large-timber forests in Burma’s southeastern border area, stands inside KNU Dooplaya District. The KNU and Brigade 6 of its armed wing, the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA), have strictly controlled the forest with local villagers reporting that they are not allowed to log or even hunt within its reaches.
At the advent of the 2008 rainy season, however, Htay Company purchased logging rights from officials from Kyainnseikyi township administrative offices, the Dooplaya District Forestry Department and Battalion No. 17 of Brigade 6. The company began logging after the rains subsided in November, harvesting over 2,500 tons of timber in just two months.
The logging distressed local villagers, who felt that a forest they had been watching over for generations was being destroyed. In December, 5 representatives from 20 villages in the area drafted a complaint letter to the Dooplaya District Committee, which overseas the area.
According to Saw Liston, Dooplaya District Secretary, the villagers timed their letter to arrive on December 29th, immediately before a regularly scheduled forestry meeting involving district and township level officials. “Local villagers wrote a letter because they have protected this forest since before their grandmothers and grandfathers were alive,” Saw Liston told IMNA. “They said ‘the KNU is trading our heritage for money from the Htay company. Later, will the KNU also eat our rice?’”
Before receiving the letter, district level KNU authorities had not been aware of the logging by Htay Company, Saw Liston said, and in the subsequent meeting the Dooplaya District Committee ordered the logging to be halted. “Htay Company had an agreement with lower level district officials, but of this we did not know. When the villagers reported to us, we found out and then we discussed it in our meeting.”
Though the logging has halted, the Htay Company is being permitted to remove trees that have already been cut. “As our lower officers already made an agreement with the Htay Company, we will allow them to remove the trees they already cut,” Saw Liston told IMNA. “But we will not give them permission to cut any more trees. They have until May to remove their trees. This information has been informed to the Htay Company.”
In spite of the premature end to the timber project, Htay Company stands to make significant income. According to Htay Company sources, the large trees – each at least 15 feet in circumference and weighing 2 to 3 tons – fetch 30,000 baht per ton. Timber from the Makate forest, however, is likely destined to fetch an even higher price. According to a truck driver who is transporting timber for Htay Company, the trees are being transported to Abit village in Mudon Township, Mon State, where it is transferred and continues on for export from Rangoon.
According to an IMNA source in the Three Pagodas Pass Special Branch Police, Htay Company is owned by Major General Hla Htay Win, the former Rangoon Commander who was recently named Chief of Military Training.
With 10,000 acres and 2,500 tons of timber harvested – one fifth of the Makate forestland – local villagers left with the short end of the stick described the cultural and environmental impacts of the logging. “When the Htay Company cuts even one ironwood tree, it is very big and it destroys all the small trees around when it falls,” said one area resident. “And they [Htay loggers] leave all the branches from the trees they cut. They just leave the branches and there will fires in the hot season.”
http://www.monnews-imna.com/newsupdate.php?ID=1303
Thursday, January 29, 2009
Wednesday, January 28, 2009
Thai security against proposed new crossborder coal road
January 27, 2009
The planned 60km passage between Burma’s Shan State and Thailand’s Chiangrai province as proposed by Saraburi Coal Mining, a subsidiary of Ital-Thai, has run into opposition by officials concerned with security along the border, reported The Manager Online on 23 January.
27 January 2009
Somchai Rungsarkhon, chief officer of Mae Fa Luang district, cited the area on the Thai side as being part of the National Park and the narrowness of the road on the Thai side especially between the border and Pasang, a stretch of some 90 km.
Meanwhile, a border security source raised the long-standing problem of drug trafficking along the border and expressed concern that it will worsen when the road is built. He also pointed out the continued tension between the Burma Army and the anti-Naypyitaw Shan State Army (SSA) South in the area.
Lt-Col Gawnzeun, Commander of the SSA’s Kengtung Force based at Loi Gawwan, agreed. “You will remember that the military confrontations between Burma and Thailand in both 2001 and 2002 began with the SSA’s attacks on drug caravans escorted by the Burma Army units,” he reminded SHAN. “Maejok (the border village on the Burmese side where the proposed road with pass through) has long been a well known transit point for drugs.”
An SSA column, commanded by Capt Liangzeun, had attacked the village on 8 February 2002, put the Infantry Battalion 244 commanded by Maj Tin Lin to rout and seized and destroyed more than 500,000 speed pills. The incident was recorded and aired by Thai TV Channel 7.
An elder from Ban Thoed Thai also brushed off Saraburi’s argument that the proposed passage would shorten the distance. “Maejok is about 10 km south of Yawngkha (former drug-free project site initiated by Thailand, 2002-2005), which means the distance between Mongkok (where the coal concession has reportedly been given by Naypyitaw) and Yawngkha is 50 km,” he said. “From Yawngkha to Tachilek, it is about the same distance, totaling 100 km. But if the proposed road project is approved, the company will have to build and rebuild 60 km inside Burma and 90 inside Thailand, totaling 150 km.”
Gawnzeun thinks the planned project has been masterminded by the Burma Army with the aim to destroy the SSA. “After the road has been built, the junta can terminate the concession with Saraburi anytime,” he warns.
Saraburi has been granted a 30-year contract, according to the Manager Online.
http://www.shanland.org/war/2009/thai-security-against-proposed-new-crossborder-coal-road/image/image_view_fullscreen
http://www.shanland.org/war/2009/thai-security-against-proposed-new-crossborder-coal-road
The planned 60km passage between Burma’s Shan State and Thailand’s Chiangrai province as proposed by Saraburi Coal Mining, a subsidiary of Ital-Thai, has run into opposition by officials concerned with security along the border, reported The Manager Online on 23 January.
27 January 2009
Somchai Rungsarkhon, chief officer of Mae Fa Luang district, cited the area on the Thai side as being part of the National Park and the narrowness of the road on the Thai side especially between the border and Pasang, a stretch of some 90 km.
Meanwhile, a border security source raised the long-standing problem of drug trafficking along the border and expressed concern that it will worsen when the road is built. He also pointed out the continued tension between the Burma Army and the anti-Naypyitaw Shan State Army (SSA) South in the area.
Lt-Col Gawnzeun, Commander of the SSA’s Kengtung Force based at Loi Gawwan, agreed. “You will remember that the military confrontations between Burma and Thailand in both 2001 and 2002 began with the SSA’s attacks on drug caravans escorted by the Burma Army units,” he reminded SHAN. “Maejok (the border village on the Burmese side where the proposed road with pass through) has long been a well known transit point for drugs.”
An SSA column, commanded by Capt Liangzeun, had attacked the village on 8 February 2002, put the Infantry Battalion 244 commanded by Maj Tin Lin to rout and seized and destroyed more than 500,000 speed pills. The incident was recorded and aired by Thai TV Channel 7.
An elder from Ban Thoed Thai also brushed off Saraburi’s argument that the proposed passage would shorten the distance. “Maejok is about 10 km south of Yawngkha (former drug-free project site initiated by Thailand, 2002-2005), which means the distance between Mongkok (where the coal concession has reportedly been given by Naypyitaw) and Yawngkha is 50 km,” he said. “From Yawngkha to Tachilek, it is about the same distance, totaling 100 km. But if the proposed road project is approved, the company will have to build and rebuild 60 km inside Burma and 90 inside Thailand, totaling 150 km.”
Gawnzeun thinks the planned project has been masterminded by the Burma Army with the aim to destroy the SSA. “After the road has been built, the junta can terminate the concession with Saraburi anytime,” he warns.
Saraburi has been granted a 30-year contract, according to the Manager Online.
http://www.shanland.org/war/2009/thai-security-against-proposed-new-crossborder-coal-road/image/image_view_fullscreen
http://www.shanland.org/war/2009/thai-security-against-proposed-new-crossborder-coal-road
Thai security against proposed new crossborder coal road
January 27, 2009
The planned 60km passage between Burma’s Shan State and Thailand’s Chiangrai province as proposed by Saraburi Coal Mining, a subsidiary of Ital-Thai, has run into opposition by officials concerned with security along the border, reported The Manager Online on 23 January.
27 January 2009
Somchai Rungsarkhon, chief officer of Mae Fa Luang district, cited the area on the Thai side as being part of the National Park and the narrowness of the road on the Thai side especially between the border and Pasang, a stretch of some 90 km.
Meanwhile, a border security source raised the long-standing problem of drug trafficking along the border and expressed concern that it will worsen when the road is built. He also pointed out the continued tension between the Burma Army and the anti-Naypyitaw Shan State Army (SSA) South in the area.
Lt-Col Gawnzeun, Commander of the SSA’s Kengtung Force based at Loi Gawwan, agreed. “You will remember that the military confrontations between Burma and Thailand in both 2001 and 2002 began with the SSA’s attacks on drug caravans escorted by the Burma Army units,” he reminded SHAN. “Maejok (the border village on the Burmese side where the proposed road with pass through) has long been a well known transit point for drugs.”
An SSA column, commanded by Capt Liangzeun, had attacked the village on 8 February 2002, put the Infantry Battalion 244 commanded by Maj Tin Lin to rout and seized and destroyed more than 500,000 speed pills. The incident was recorded and aired by Thai TV Channel 7.
An elder from Ban Thoed Thai also brushed off Saraburi’s argument that the proposed passage would shorten the distance. “Maejok is about 10 km south of Yawngkha (former drug-free project site initiated by Thailand, 2002-2005), which means the distance between Mongkok (where the coal concession has reportedly been given by Naypyitaw) and Yawngkha is 50 km,” he said. “From Yawngkha to Tachilek, it is about the same distance, totaling 100 km. But if the proposed road project is approved, the company will have to build and rebuild 60 km inside Burma and 90 inside Thailand, totaling 150 km.”
Gawnzeun thinks the planned project has been masterminded by the Burma Army with the aim to destroy the SSA. “After the road has been built, the junta can terminate the concession with Saraburi anytime,” he warns.
Saraburi has been granted a 30-year contract, according to the Manager Online.
http://www.shanland.org/war/2009/thai-security-against-proposed-new-crossborder-coal-road/image/image_view_fullscreen
http://www.shanland.org/war/2009/thai-security-against-proposed-new-crossborder-coal-road
The planned 60km passage between Burma’s Shan State and Thailand’s Chiangrai province as proposed by Saraburi Coal Mining, a subsidiary of Ital-Thai, has run into opposition by officials concerned with security along the border, reported The Manager Online on 23 January.
27 January 2009
Somchai Rungsarkhon, chief officer of Mae Fa Luang district, cited the area on the Thai side as being part of the National Park and the narrowness of the road on the Thai side especially between the border and Pasang, a stretch of some 90 km.
Meanwhile, a border security source raised the long-standing problem of drug trafficking along the border and expressed concern that it will worsen when the road is built. He also pointed out the continued tension between the Burma Army and the anti-Naypyitaw Shan State Army (SSA) South in the area.
Lt-Col Gawnzeun, Commander of the SSA’s Kengtung Force based at Loi Gawwan, agreed. “You will remember that the military confrontations between Burma and Thailand in both 2001 and 2002 began with the SSA’s attacks on drug caravans escorted by the Burma Army units,” he reminded SHAN. “Maejok (the border village on the Burmese side where the proposed road with pass through) has long been a well known transit point for drugs.”
An SSA column, commanded by Capt Liangzeun, had attacked the village on 8 February 2002, put the Infantry Battalion 244 commanded by Maj Tin Lin to rout and seized and destroyed more than 500,000 speed pills. The incident was recorded and aired by Thai TV Channel 7.
An elder from Ban Thoed Thai also brushed off Saraburi’s argument that the proposed passage would shorten the distance. “Maejok is about 10 km south of Yawngkha (former drug-free project site initiated by Thailand, 2002-2005), which means the distance between Mongkok (where the coal concession has reportedly been given by Naypyitaw) and Yawngkha is 50 km,” he said. “From Yawngkha to Tachilek, it is about the same distance, totaling 100 km. But if the proposed road project is approved, the company will have to build and rebuild 60 km inside Burma and 90 inside Thailand, totaling 150 km.”
Gawnzeun thinks the planned project has been masterminded by the Burma Army with the aim to destroy the SSA. “After the road has been built, the junta can terminate the concession with Saraburi anytime,” he warns.
Saraburi has been granted a 30-year contract, according to the Manager Online.
http://www.shanland.org/war/2009/thai-security-against-proposed-new-crossborder-coal-road/image/image_view_fullscreen
http://www.shanland.org/war/2009/thai-security-against-proposed-new-crossborder-coal-road
Junta Cronie-Max Myanmar group of Companies collecting taxes on vehicles..
January 26, 2009 
A scene from the Pegu-Thauhkyanh Road on the Rangoon-Mandalay highway, which is being repaired by a junta business crony – Max Myanmar group of Companies – on Monday, January 26, 2009. Photo – Mizzima. Max Myanmar Company reportedly will be collecting taxes on vehicles from its toll gates to be constructed on the highway. The United States earlier in mid-January froze the assets of the Managing Director of the Max Myanmar Company, U Zaw Zaw, and banned him from traveling to the US for allegedly financing the military junta that is in power through suppressing the rights of the people.http://www.mizzima.com/gallery/photo-news/1499-photo-news-january-2009.html
A scene from the Pegu-Thauhkyanh Road on the Rangoon-Mandalay highway, which is being repaired by a junta business crony – Max Myanmar group of Companies – on Monday, January 26, 2009. Photo – Mizzima. Max Myanmar Company reportedly will be collecting taxes on vehicles from its toll gates to be constructed on the highway. The United States earlier in mid-January froze the assets of the Managing Director of the Max Myanmar Company, U Zaw Zaw, and banned him from traveling to the US for allegedly financing the military junta that is in power through suppressing the rights of the people.http://www.mizzima.com/gallery/photo-news/1499-photo-news-january-2009.html
Tuesday, January 27, 2009
နအဖစစ္အုပ္စုနဲ႔ ပူးေပါင္းေနတဲ့ ကရင္လက္နက္ကိုင္အဖြဲ႔႔မ်ားသို႔ ပန္ၾကားခ်က္ အမွတ္(၁)
Friday, January 23, 2009
နအဖစစ္အုပ္စုႏွင့္ ပူးေပါင္းေနတဲ့ ကရင္လက္နက္ကိုင္မ်ားခင္ဗ်ား။ဒီပန္ၾကားခ်က္ကုိ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ခ်က္ၾကီးစြာနဲ့ ေရးသားရျခင္းျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ခ်က္ၾကီးစြာလို့ ေရးသားရျခင္းမွာ ေအာက္ပါေမွ်ာ္လင့္ခ်က္မ်ားေၾကာင့္ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။(က) ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားေခါင္းေဆာင္ၾကီး ေစာဘဦးၾကီးက ဒီစစ္ဟာ အစနဲ႔အဆံုးနဲ႔ျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ မိန္႔ၾကားခဲ့တယ္။ ရဲေဘာ္တို႔ သိထားျပီး ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒီစစ္ပြဲကို က်ေနာ္တို႔ စတိုက္တာ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ ၁၉၄၈ခုႏွစ္၊ ေဖေဖာ္၀ါရီလ (၁၁)ရက္ေန႔မွာ ေကအဲန္ယူ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားအစည္းအရုံးက ေခါင္းေဆာင္ျပီး ကရင္တမ်ဳိးသားလံုးရဲ့ ဆႏၵကို ေဖာ္ျပတ့ဲအေနနဲ့ ပိုစတာ(၄)ခ်က္ကိုင္စြဲျပီး ျပည္လံုးကၽႊတ္အသံတိတ္ဆႏၵျပတယ္။ ရဲေဘာ္တို႔ မွတ္မိၾကမယ္လို႔ ထင္တယ္။ ဒီပိုစတာ (၄)ခ်က္က ဘာလဲဆိုေတာ့။(၁) ကရင္ျပည္ခ်က္ခ်င္းေပး(၂) ကရင္တက်ပ္ ဗမာတက်ပ္ ခ်က္ခ်င္းျပ။(၃) လူမ်ဳိးေရးအဓိကရုန္း အလိုမရွိ။(၄) ျပည္တြင္းစစ္အလိုမရွိလို့ ပိုစတာ(၄)ခ်က္က ေဖာ္ျပတယ္။က်ေနာ္တို႔ ကရင္ေတြ အဲဒီတုန္းက ညီညြတ္လိုက္ၾကတာမ်ား လူဦးေရ (၅)သိန္းေလာက္ တျပည္လံုး ဆႏၵျပၾကတယ္၊ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားလြတ္လပ္ေရး လိုခ်င္ေၾကာင္း၊ တန္းတူေရး လိုခ်င္ေၾကာင္း၊ လူမ်ဳိးစံုေသြးစည္းခ်စ္ၾကည္ေရး လိုခ်င္ေၾကာင္း၊ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး လိုခ်င္ေၾကာင္း တခဲနက္ေဖာ္ျပၾကတယ္။က်ေနာ္တို႔ လိုလားခ်က္ေတြကို ေအးေအးခ်မ္းခ်မ္းမေပးခဲ့ၾကဘူး။ ကရင္ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ၾကီး(စမစ္ဒြန္း)ကို ျဖဳတ္ထုတ္ျပီး ကရင္ကို အစိတ္သားေကာင္ေတာင္ မထားနဲ႔၊ ကရင္ကို က်ဴပင္ခုတ္ က်ဴငုတ္မက်န္ေအာင္ မ်ဳိးျဖဳတ္ပစ္ဆိုတ့ဲ စိတ္ထားရွိတဲ့ တက္သစ္စ စစ္ဦးစီးခ်ဳပ္ (ဗိုလ္ေန၀င္း)ဟာ၊ စစ္ေရးစြမ္းရည္ေတြ ျပလာပါေတာ့တယ္။၁၉၄၉ခုႏွစ္ ဇန္န၀ါရီလ ၃၀ရက္ေန့မွာ အလံုကရင္ရပ္ကြက္ကို စတင္တိုက္ခိုက္ၾကတယ္။ တဆက္ထဲ (ခ၀ဲျခံ)ကရင္ရပ္ကြက္ကို ဆက္တိုက္တယ္။ ဇန္န၀ါရီ(၃၁)ရက္ေန့မွာ အင္းစိန္ရွိ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားမ်ားကို ဆက္လက္တိုက္ခိုက္လာေတာ့တယ္။ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားလြတ္ေျမာက္ေရး၊ ကရင္လူမ်ဳိးတည္တံ့ေရးတို့အတြက္ ကရင္တမ်ဳိးသားလံုးမွာ တာ၀န္ရွိလာတဲ့အတြက္ ျမတ္တရားတဲ့ လက္နက္ကိုင္ခုခံေတာ္လွန္စစ္ကို ဆင္ႏြဲၾကရတယ္ဆိုတာ ရဲေဘာ္တို့ သိထားျပီး ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ၁၉၄၉ခုႏွစ္ ဇန္န၀ါရီလ ၃၁ရက္ေန့က စတင္ျဖစ္ပြားတဲ့ ကရင့္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးဟာ ႏွစ္ေပါင္း ၆၀ျပည့္ပါေတာ့မယ္။ ဒီခုခံေတာ္လွန္စစ္ ႏွစ္ေပါင္း (၆၀)အတြင္း က်ေနာ္တို႔ေသြးသားေတြ၊ မ်ဳိးခ်စ္ေတြ၊ သူရဲေကာင္းေတြ အေထာင္အေသာင္း က်ဆံုးကုန္တယ္။ ဒုကၡိတေတြ ျဖစ္ကုန္တယ္။ ဒီလိုက်ဆံုးၾကတဲ့ ကရင့္သူရဲေကာင္းေတြကို ရဲေဘာ္တုိ႔ သတိရအံုးမွာပါ။ ဟိုးေတာင္ငူ(ေသာသီခို)က ဘိတ္၊ထား၀ယ္ရွိ ျမင့္မိုလက္ခေတာင္တေလွ်ာက္၊ ဒို႔အမ်ဳိးသားရန္သူေတြကို တက္ညီလက္ညီတိုက္ခဲ့ၾကတာ ရဲေဘာ္တို့ ေမ့ၾကမယ္မထင္ဘူး။ မိုးကာတခုေအာက္မွာ အတူအိပ္ခဲ့ၾကတာေတြ ထမင္းတပန္းကန္ထဲစားခဲ့ၾကတာေတြကို ခုအထိ ျမင္ေနမိတယ္။ (ငါးခူဟာငါးခူပဲ၊ ငါးရဲ႔ မျဖစ္လာႏိုင္သလို)ဘယ္ေနရာပဲေရာက္ေရာက္၊ ဘာပဲျဖစ္ျဖစ္ (ကရင္ဟာ ကရင္ပဲ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္) တျခားလူမ်ဳိးကရင္ကို ခ်စ္တယ္ဆိုတာ ကရင္အခ်င္းခ်င္းမုန္းသေလာက္ပဲ ရွိပါတယ္။ က်ေနာ္တို့ ကရင္ညီအစ္ကိုေတြ တေယာက္နဲ႔ တေယာက္ခြင့္လြတ္ၾကျပီး အမ်ဳိးသားလြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးတိုက္ပြဲလမ္းမၾကီးေပၚ ေလွ်ာက္လွမ္းဖို႔ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္တၾကီးနဲ႔ ေစာင့္ေနမယ္။ ျပန္လာၾကေနာ္။ နအဖစစ္အုပ္စုနဲ႔ ပူးေပါင္းတဲ့ ကရင္လက္နက္ကိုင္မ်ားခင္ဗ်ား။ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားေခါင္းေဆာင္ၾကီး ေစာဘဦးၾကီးရဲ့ မူ၄ခ်က္ကို ရဲေဘာ္တို႔ ကိုင္စြဲထားဆဲလို႔ ရဲေဘာ္တို႔ ေျပာၾကတယ္။ ၀မ္းသာပါတယ္။ ဂုဏ္ယူပါတယ္။ ဒီ(၄)ခ်က္ကို မေမ့ရေအာင္ ထပ္ေလာင္းေဖာ္ျပလိုက္ပါတယ္။ (၁)ကရင္ေတြ လက္နက္ခ်စကား မေျပာရ။(၂)ကရင့္လက္နက္ ကရင့္လက္ထဲမွာ ရွိရမယ္။(၃)ကရင့္ကံၾကမၼာ ကရင္ဖန္တီးရမယ္။(၄)ကရင္ျပည္ကို အသိအမွတ္ျပဳရမယ္လို႔ ေဖာ္ျပထားပါတယ္။ ရဲေဘာ္တို႔ နအဖစစ္အုပ္စုနဲ႔ ပူးေပါင္းသြားတာ (၁၅)ႏွစ္ ရွိသြားျပီး ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားေခါင္းေဆာင္ၾကီး ခ်ေပးခဲ့တဲ့ မူ(၄)ခ်က္ထဲက တခုခုရရွိခဲ့သလားဆိုတာ ေမးခ်င္ပါတယ္။ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားမ်ားရဲ့ ဆႏၵနဲ႔ ကိုက္ညီတဲ့ ကရင္ျပည္ရရွိခဲ့ျပီးလား။ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားမ်ားရဲ႔ ကံၾကမၼာ ကရင္ေတြ ဖန္တီးခြင့္ ရွိၾကျပီးလား။ဒီ(၁၅)ႏွစ္အတြင္း ေခါင္းေဆာင္ပိုင္းေတြ က်ိက်ိတက္ ခ်မ္းသာလာၾကတယ္။ ကိုယ့္ကရင္ေတြ ခ်မ္းသားလာလို႔ ၀မ္းသာၾကည္ႏူးရပါတယ္။ ကိုယ့္ၾကမာကိုယ္ဖန္တီးပိုင္ခြင့္ရွိတဲ့ ကရင္ျပည္သာရမယ္ဆိုရင္ ဘယ္ေလာက္၀မ္းသာၾကည္ႏူးဖို႔ ေကာင္းလိုက္မလဲေနာ္။ ၂၀၁၀ေနာက္ပိုင္း ဒီေကဘီေအဆိုတဲ့ အမည္ေတြ၊ အလံေတြ ေပ်ာက္ျပီး နယ္ျခားေစာင့္အဆင့္နဲ႔ အခိုင္းခံဘ၀ေရာက္ရေတာ့မယ္၊ ကိုယ့္ၾကမာကိုယ္ဖန္တီးခြင့္ေပ်ာက္ျပီး သူ႔ၾကမၼာသူဖန္တီးယူေတာ့မွာျဖစ္တယ္ ရဲေဘာ္တို႔။ (ကရင့္သိကၡာ၊ ကရင့္တန္ဘိုး)ေငြသာရွိျပီး (သိကၡာမရွိနဲ႔တန္ဘိုး) မဲ့ေနရင္ အသက္ရွင္လွ်က္ ေလျဖတ္ျပီး ကိုယ္တျခမ္းေသေနတာနဲ႔ တူေနပါျပီး။ ကရင့္သိကၡာနဲ႔ ကရင္တန္ဘိုးဆိုတာ ကိုယ့္ျပည္ကိုယ့္အစိုးရနဲ႔ ေနႏိုင္မွ၊ သူ႔ကၽႊန္ဘ၀က လြတ္ေျမာက္မွ လူ႔သိကၡာ၊ လူ႔တန္ဘုိးရွိတာ ျဖစ္တယ္။ တိုင္းျပည္မရွိတဲ့လူမ်ဳိးဟာ ကၽႊန္ျဖစ္တယ္။လို႔ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားေခါင္းေဆာင္ၾကီး ေစာဘဦးၾကီးရဲ႔ ၾသ၀ါဒကို ရဲေဘာ္တို႔ မေမ့ေသးဘူးလို႔ ယူဆပါတယ္။ ၂၀၁၀ေနာက္ပိုင္း ရဲေဘာ္တို႔ နအဖစစ္အစိုးရရဲ႔ စစ္ကၽႊန္ဘ၀လံုးလံုးေရာက္သြားၾကေတာ့မယ္။ အခုေလာက္လြတ္လြတ္လပ္လပ္လွဳပ္ရွားခြင့္ ရပါ့အံုးမလား။ ကုိယ့္ကရင္လူထုရဲ႔ အက်ဳိးစီးပြားကို ကာကြယ္ပိုင္ခြင့္ ရွိပါ့ဦးမလား။ ကရင္ႏွစ္သစ္ကူးေန႔ကို ယခင္ကလို လြတ္လပ္စြာလုပ္ိုင္ခြင့္ ရပါ့ဦးမလား။ နအဖစစ္အုပ္စုရဲ႔ (၄)လပတ္အစည္းအေ၀းတခုမွာ နအဖစစ္အုပ္စုရဲ႔ နံပါတ္(၁)ရန္သူဟာ (ကရင္)ျဖစ္တယ္။ ျပည္ပနံပါတ္(၁)ရန္သူဟာ ထိုင္းျဖစ္တယ္ဆိုတာ သိရတယ္။ ကရင့္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးကို ျဖိဳခြဲရာမွာ ရဲေဘာ္တို႔ကို ဆက္လက္အသံုးခ်ေနဦးမွာျဖစ္တယ္ဆိုတာ သိထားေစခ်င္တယ္။ ကရင္အခ်င္းခ်င္းျပန္သတ္ခိုင္းအံုးမွာ ျဖစ္တယ္။ ရဲေဘာ္တို႔ကို ေရွ႔က တက္ခိုင္းျပီး သူတို႔က က်ည္လြတ္ေျမာက္ရာကေန လက္နက္ၾကီးနဲ႔ ကူသတ္ေပးလာမယ္ဆိုတာ ျမင္ထားတယ္။ ေနာက္တေခါက္မွ ဆက္ေရးပါအံုးမယ္။ ကရင္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြျဖစ္တဲ့ ေစာဟန္တာသာေမြး၊ ေစာေ၀ေသာ၊ ေစာေ၀ရီေက်ာ္၊ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္အံုးေဖ၊ ဗိုလ္မွဴးခ်ဳပ္လင္းထင္တို႔လို မျဖစ္ၾကပါေစနဲ႔လို႔ ဆုေတာင္းေပးပါတယ္။ ကရင့္လြတ္လပ္ေရးအတြက္ တတပ္တအားထမ္းေဆာင္ႏိုင္ပါေစလို႔ ေမွ်ာ္လင္ခ်က္------ကရင့္အလံေတာ္ေအာက္ လာေရာက္စုရုံးႏိုင္ပါေစ။ကရင္ႏွစ္သစ္ကူးပြဲေတာ္ေတြ စုေပါင္းက်င္းပႏိုင္ၾကပါေစ။ကရင့္လြတ္လပ္ေရး အတူရယူႏိုင္ပါေစလို႔ ဆုေတာင္းပါတယ္။ တခ်ိန္က သင္တို႔နဲ႔အတူ စစ္ေျမျပင္မွာ ရန္သူကို ရဲရဲေတာက္တိုက္ပြဲ၀င္ခဲ့တဲ့ သင္တို႔ရဲ႔ရဲေဘာ္ဖူးကီးဒိုေပးစာကို ေပးပို႔ေပးတဲ့ ဖူးကီးဒိုအား အထူးေက်းဇူးတင္ရွိလွ်က္ေက်ာ္အဲေခါင္ေသာင့္
နအဖစစ္အုပ္စုႏွင့္ ပူးေပါင္းေနတဲ့ ကရင္လက္နက္ကိုင္မ်ားခင္ဗ်ား။ဒီပန္ၾကားခ်က္ကုိ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ခ်က္ၾကီးစြာနဲ့ ေရးသားရျခင္းျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ခ်က္ၾကီးစြာလို့ ေရးသားရျခင္းမွာ ေအာက္ပါေမွ်ာ္လင့္ခ်က္မ်ားေၾကာင့္ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။(က) ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားေခါင္းေဆာင္ၾကီး ေစာဘဦးၾကီးက ဒီစစ္ဟာ အစနဲ႔အဆံုးနဲ႔ျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ မိန္႔ၾကားခဲ့တယ္။ ရဲေဘာ္တို႔ သိထားျပီး ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒီစစ္ပြဲကို က်ေနာ္တို႔ စတိုက္တာ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ ၁၉၄၈ခုႏွစ္၊ ေဖေဖာ္၀ါရီလ (၁၁)ရက္ေန႔မွာ ေကအဲန္ယူ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားအစည္းအရုံးက ေခါင္းေဆာင္ျပီး ကရင္တမ်ဳိးသားလံုးရဲ့ ဆႏၵကို ေဖာ္ျပတ့ဲအေနနဲ့ ပိုစတာ(၄)ခ်က္ကိုင္စြဲျပီး ျပည္လံုးကၽႊတ္အသံတိတ္ဆႏၵျပတယ္။ ရဲေဘာ္တို႔ မွတ္မိၾကမယ္လို႔ ထင္တယ္။ ဒီပိုစတာ (၄)ခ်က္က ဘာလဲဆိုေတာ့။(၁) ကရင္ျပည္ခ်က္ခ်င္းေပး(၂) ကရင္တက်ပ္ ဗမာတက်ပ္ ခ်က္ခ်င္းျပ။(၃) လူမ်ဳိးေရးအဓိကရုန္း အလိုမရွိ။(၄) ျပည္တြင္းစစ္အလိုမရွိလို့ ပိုစတာ(၄)ခ်က္က ေဖာ္ျပတယ္။က်ေနာ္တို႔ ကရင္ေတြ အဲဒီတုန္းက ညီညြတ္လိုက္ၾကတာမ်ား လူဦးေရ (၅)သိန္းေလာက္ တျပည္လံုး ဆႏၵျပၾကတယ္၊ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားလြတ္လပ္ေရး လိုခ်င္ေၾကာင္း၊ တန္းတူေရး လိုခ်င္ေၾကာင္း၊ လူမ်ဳိးစံုေသြးစည္းခ်စ္ၾကည္ေရး လိုခ်င္ေၾကာင္း၊ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး လိုခ်င္ေၾကာင္း တခဲနက္ေဖာ္ျပၾကတယ္။က်ေနာ္တို႔ လိုလားခ်က္ေတြကို ေအးေအးခ်မ္းခ်မ္းမေပးခဲ့ၾကဘူး။ ကရင္ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ၾကီး(စမစ္ဒြန္း)ကို ျဖဳတ္ထုတ္ျပီး ကရင္ကို အစိတ္သားေကာင္ေတာင္ မထားနဲ႔၊ ကရင္ကို က်ဴပင္ခုတ္ က်ဴငုတ္မက်န္ေအာင္ မ်ဳိးျဖဳတ္ပစ္ဆိုတ့ဲ စိတ္ထားရွိတဲ့ တက္သစ္စ စစ္ဦးစီးခ်ဳပ္ (ဗိုလ္ေန၀င္း)ဟာ၊ စစ္ေရးစြမ္းရည္ေတြ ျပလာပါေတာ့တယ္။၁၉၄၉ခုႏွစ္ ဇန္န၀ါရီလ ၃၀ရက္ေန့မွာ အလံုကရင္ရပ္ကြက္ကို စတင္တိုက္ခိုက္ၾကတယ္။ တဆက္ထဲ (ခ၀ဲျခံ)ကရင္ရပ္ကြက္ကို ဆက္တိုက္တယ္။ ဇန္န၀ါရီ(၃၁)ရက္ေန့မွာ အင္းစိန္ရွိ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားမ်ားကို ဆက္လက္တိုက္ခိုက္လာေတာ့တယ္။ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားလြတ္ေျမာက္ေရး၊ ကရင္လူမ်ဳိးတည္တံ့ေရးတို့အတြက္ ကရင္တမ်ဳိးသားလံုးမွာ တာ၀န္ရွိလာတဲ့အတြက္ ျမတ္တရားတဲ့ လက္နက္ကိုင္ခုခံေတာ္လွန္စစ္ကို ဆင္ႏြဲၾကရတယ္ဆိုတာ ရဲေဘာ္တို့ သိထားျပီး ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ၁၉၄၉ခုႏွစ္ ဇန္န၀ါရီလ ၃၁ရက္ေန့က စတင္ျဖစ္ပြားတဲ့ ကရင့္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးဟာ ႏွစ္ေပါင္း ၆၀ျပည့္ပါေတာ့မယ္။ ဒီခုခံေတာ္လွန္စစ္ ႏွစ္ေပါင္း (၆၀)အတြင္း က်ေနာ္တို႔ေသြးသားေတြ၊ မ်ဳိးခ်စ္ေတြ၊ သူရဲေကာင္းေတြ အေထာင္အေသာင္း က်ဆံုးကုန္တယ္။ ဒုကၡိတေတြ ျဖစ္ကုန္တယ္။ ဒီလိုက်ဆံုးၾကတဲ့ ကရင့္သူရဲေကာင္းေတြကို ရဲေဘာ္တုိ႔ သတိရအံုးမွာပါ။ ဟိုးေတာင္ငူ(ေသာသီခို)က ဘိတ္၊ထား၀ယ္ရွိ ျမင့္မိုလက္ခေတာင္တေလွ်ာက္၊ ဒို႔အမ်ဳိးသားရန္သူေတြကို တက္ညီလက္ညီတိုက္ခဲ့ၾကတာ ရဲေဘာ္တို့ ေမ့ၾကမယ္မထင္ဘူး။ မိုးကာတခုေအာက္မွာ အတူအိပ္ခဲ့ၾကတာေတြ ထမင္းတပန္းကန္ထဲစားခဲ့ၾကတာေတြကို ခုအထိ ျမင္ေနမိတယ္။ (ငါးခူဟာငါးခူပဲ၊ ငါးရဲ႔ မျဖစ္လာႏိုင္သလို)ဘယ္ေနရာပဲေရာက္ေရာက္၊ ဘာပဲျဖစ္ျဖစ္ (ကရင္ဟာ ကရင္ပဲ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္) တျခားလူမ်ဳိးကရင္ကို ခ်စ္တယ္ဆိုတာ ကရင္အခ်င္းခ်င္းမုန္းသေလာက္ပဲ ရွိပါတယ္။ က်ေနာ္တို့ ကရင္ညီအစ္ကိုေတြ တေယာက္နဲ႔ တေယာက္ခြင့္လြတ္ၾကျပီး အမ်ဳိးသားလြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးတိုက္ပြဲလမ္းမၾကီးေပၚ ေလွ်ာက္လွမ္းဖို႔ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္တၾကီးနဲ႔ ေစာင့္ေနမယ္။ ျပန္လာၾကေနာ္။ နအဖစစ္အုပ္စုနဲ႔ ပူးေပါင္းတဲ့ ကရင္လက္နက္ကိုင္မ်ားခင္ဗ်ား။ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားေခါင္းေဆာင္ၾကီး ေစာဘဦးၾကီးရဲ့ မူ၄ခ်က္ကို ရဲေဘာ္တို႔ ကိုင္စြဲထားဆဲလို႔ ရဲေဘာ္တို႔ ေျပာၾကတယ္။ ၀မ္းသာပါတယ္။ ဂုဏ္ယူပါတယ္။ ဒီ(၄)ခ်က္ကို မေမ့ရေအာင္ ထပ္ေလာင္းေဖာ္ျပလိုက္ပါတယ္။ (၁)ကရင္ေတြ လက္နက္ခ်စကား မေျပာရ။(၂)ကရင့္လက္နက္ ကရင့္လက္ထဲမွာ ရွိရမယ္။(၃)ကရင့္ကံၾကမၼာ ကရင္ဖန္တီးရမယ္။(၄)ကရင္ျပည္ကို အသိအမွတ္ျပဳရမယ္လို႔ ေဖာ္ျပထားပါတယ္။ ရဲေဘာ္တို႔ နအဖစစ္အုပ္စုနဲ႔ ပူးေပါင္းသြားတာ (၁၅)ႏွစ္ ရွိသြားျပီး ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားေခါင္းေဆာင္ၾကီး ခ်ေပးခဲ့တဲ့ မူ(၄)ခ်က္ထဲက တခုခုရရွိခဲ့သလားဆိုတာ ေမးခ်င္ပါတယ္။ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားမ်ားရဲ့ ဆႏၵနဲ႔ ကိုက္ညီတဲ့ ကရင္ျပည္ရရွိခဲ့ျပီးလား။ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားမ်ားရဲ႔ ကံၾကမၼာ ကရင္ေတြ ဖန္တီးခြင့္ ရွိၾကျပီးလား။ဒီ(၁၅)ႏွစ္အတြင္း ေခါင္းေဆာင္ပိုင္းေတြ က်ိက်ိတက္ ခ်မ္းသာလာၾကတယ္။ ကိုယ့္ကရင္ေတြ ခ်မ္းသားလာလို႔ ၀မ္းသာၾကည္ႏူးရပါတယ္။ ကိုယ့္ၾကမာကိုယ္ဖန္တီးပိုင္ခြင့္ရွိတဲ့ ကရင္ျပည္သာရမယ္ဆိုရင္ ဘယ္ေလာက္၀မ္းသာၾကည္ႏူးဖို႔ ေကာင္းလိုက္မလဲေနာ္။ ၂၀၁၀ေနာက္ပိုင္း ဒီေကဘီေအဆိုတဲ့ အမည္ေတြ၊ အလံေတြ ေပ်ာက္ျပီး နယ္ျခားေစာင့္အဆင့္နဲ႔ အခိုင္းခံဘ၀ေရာက္ရေတာ့မယ္၊ ကိုယ့္ၾကမာကိုယ္ဖန္တီးခြင့္ေပ်ာက္ျပီး သူ႔ၾကမၼာသူဖန္တီးယူေတာ့မွာျဖစ္တယ္ ရဲေဘာ္တို႔။ (ကရင့္သိကၡာ၊ ကရင့္တန္ဘိုး)ေငြသာရွိျပီး (သိကၡာမရွိနဲ႔တန္ဘိုး) မဲ့ေနရင္ အသက္ရွင္လွ်က္ ေလျဖတ္ျပီး ကိုယ္တျခမ္းေသေနတာနဲ႔ တူေနပါျပီး။ ကရင့္သိကၡာနဲ႔ ကရင္တန္ဘိုးဆိုတာ ကိုယ့္ျပည္ကိုယ့္အစိုးရနဲ႔ ေနႏိုင္မွ၊ သူ႔ကၽႊန္ဘ၀က လြတ္ေျမာက္မွ လူ႔သိကၡာ၊ လူ႔တန္ဘုိးရွိတာ ျဖစ္တယ္။ တိုင္းျပည္မရွိတဲ့လူမ်ဳိးဟာ ကၽႊန္ျဖစ္တယ္။လို႔ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားေခါင္းေဆာင္ၾကီး ေစာဘဦးၾကီးရဲ႔ ၾသ၀ါဒကို ရဲေဘာ္တို႔ မေမ့ေသးဘူးလို႔ ယူဆပါတယ္။ ၂၀၁၀ေနာက္ပိုင္း ရဲေဘာ္တို႔ နအဖစစ္အစိုးရရဲ႔ စစ္ကၽႊန္ဘ၀လံုးလံုးေရာက္သြားၾကေတာ့မယ္။ အခုေလာက္လြတ္လြတ္လပ္လပ္လွဳပ္ရွားခြင့္ ရပါ့အံုးမလား။ ကုိယ့္ကရင္လူထုရဲ႔ အက်ဳိးစီးပြားကို ကာကြယ္ပိုင္ခြင့္ ရွိပါ့ဦးမလား။ ကရင္ႏွစ္သစ္ကူးေန႔ကို ယခင္ကလို လြတ္လပ္စြာလုပ္ိုင္ခြင့္ ရပါ့ဦးမလား။ နအဖစစ္အုပ္စုရဲ႔ (၄)လပတ္အစည္းအေ၀းတခုမွာ နအဖစစ္အုပ္စုရဲ႔ နံပါတ္(၁)ရန္သူဟာ (ကရင္)ျဖစ္တယ္။ ျပည္ပနံပါတ္(၁)ရန္သူဟာ ထိုင္းျဖစ္တယ္ဆိုတာ သိရတယ္။ ကရင့္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးကို ျဖိဳခြဲရာမွာ ရဲေဘာ္တို႔ကို ဆက္လက္အသံုးခ်ေနဦးမွာျဖစ္တယ္ဆိုတာ သိထားေစခ်င္တယ္။ ကရင္အခ်င္းခ်င္းျပန္သတ္ခိုင္းအံုးမွာ ျဖစ္တယ္။ ရဲေဘာ္တို႔ကို ေရွ႔က တက္ခိုင္းျပီး သူတို႔က က်ည္လြတ္ေျမာက္ရာကေန လက္နက္ၾကီးနဲ႔ ကူသတ္ေပးလာမယ္ဆိုတာ ျမင္ထားတယ္။ ေနာက္တေခါက္မွ ဆက္ေရးပါအံုးမယ္။ ကရင္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြျဖစ္တဲ့ ေစာဟန္တာသာေမြး၊ ေစာေ၀ေသာ၊ ေစာေ၀ရီေက်ာ္၊ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္အံုးေဖ၊ ဗိုလ္မွဴးခ်ဳပ္လင္းထင္တို႔လို မျဖစ္ၾကပါေစနဲ႔လို႔ ဆုေတာင္းေပးပါတယ္။ ကရင့္လြတ္လပ္ေရးအတြက္ တတပ္တအားထမ္းေဆာင္ႏိုင္ပါေစလို႔ ေမွ်ာ္လင္ခ်က္------ကရင့္အလံေတာ္ေအာက္ လာေရာက္စုရုံးႏိုင္ပါေစ။ကရင္ႏွစ္သစ္ကူးပြဲေတာ္ေတြ စုေပါင္းက်င္းပႏိုင္ၾကပါေစ။ကရင့္လြတ္လပ္ေရး အတူရယူႏိုင္ပါေစလို႔ ဆုေတာင္းပါတယ္။ တခ်ိန္က သင္တို႔နဲ႔အတူ စစ္ေျမျပင္မွာ ရန္သူကို ရဲရဲေတာက္တိုက္ပြဲ၀င္ခဲ့တဲ့ သင္တို႔ရဲ႔ရဲေဘာ္ဖူးကီးဒိုေပးစာကို ေပးပို႔ေပးတဲ့ ဖူးကီးဒိုအား အထူးေက်းဇူးတင္ရွိလွ်က္ေက်ာ္အဲေခါင္ေသာင့္
Burma Army Threatens and Attempts to Bribe Parents of Raped and Murdered 7-yr-old Girl in Karen State
January 25, 2009 ·
Report Sent Directly from Relief Team in the FieldKaren State, Burma24 January, 2009
“Because of the money the parents must accept it, if not they will be in trouble.” -quote from local relief teamThe Burma Army has threatened and is now trying to bribe the family of 7-yr-old Ma Ne Mya, who was raped and killed by a soldier from LIB 350 on 27 December, 2009. According to the latest report from a relief team in the area, the girls parents and the local village leaders petitioned the Burma Army for justice in the incident. In response, the commander of LIB 350, Capt. Thet Khaing, forced 10 local business owners to provide a total of 1,000,000 Kyat ($800) in order to pay off the girl’s parents. The team also reported that the Burma Army has threatened the parents that they must accept the money as sufficient payment for the crime or face punishment. LIB 350 has now been replaced by IB 73 in the area.
Report Sent Directly from Relief Team in the FieldKaren State, Burma24 January, 2009
“Because of the money the parents must accept it, if not they will be in trouble.” -quote from local relief teamThe Burma Army has threatened and is now trying to bribe the family of 7-yr-old Ma Ne Mya, who was raped and killed by a soldier from LIB 350 on 27 December, 2009. According to the latest report from a relief team in the area, the girls parents and the local village leaders petitioned the Burma Army for justice in the incident. In response, the commander of LIB 350, Capt. Thet Khaing, forced 10 local business owners to provide a total of 1,000,000 Kyat ($800) in order to pay off the girl’s parents. The team also reported that the Burma Army has threatened the parents that they must accept the money as sufficient payment for the crime or face punishment. LIB 350 has now been replaced by IB 73 in the area.
Map of area where girl was raped and killed in Karen State
Background Information
On 27 December, 2008, a Burma Army soldier abducted, raped and killed 7-year-old Ma Ne Mya of Ma Oo Bin village in the area close to Kyauk Kyi Town, Nyaunglebin District. According to a report from teams in the area, upon entering the village at around 6 pm, a soldier from LIB 350, abducted the girl and proceeded to take her outside the village and begin to rape her. The soldier shot and killed her when she began to cry loudly. LIB 350 is under the command of Captain Thet Khaing.
The Following is a report of the same incident sent out on 2 January by the Karen Women’s Organization2nd January, 2009
Urgent Statement by the Karen Women’s OrganizationKWO demands accountability for SPDC rape and killing of 7-year-old girl
The Karen Women’s Organization is demanding the immediate arrest and prosecution of an SPDC soldier who raped and killed a young girl in Burma’s northern Karen State last week, as well as punishment of his commanding officer for failing to take action over the crime.
The body of the 7-year-old girl was found near her house with gunshot wounds in her chest and signs of rape in the village of Ma Oo Bin, Kyauk Kyi Township, Nyaunglebin District, in the evening of December 27, 2008. Villagers had seen a soldier from SPDC Light Infantry (LI) 350 enter the village shortly beforehand, and then heard sounds of a girl crying out and rifle shots.
The girl’s parents and village leaders went to report the case the next day to Captain Thet Khaing, the local commander of SPDC LI 350, stationed near the village, but no action has been taken yet.
The KWO is appalled at this horrific crime, and that the SPDC authorities have failed to take any action over the case. If such impunity continues, the SPDC military will continue to commit such crimes, threatening the lives of women and girls throughout the country.
The KWO demands the immediate arrest of the rapist and prosecution in accordance with the severity of his crime. His commanding officer, Captain Thet Khaing, must also be held accountable for this crime and be punished for failing to ensure prosecution of the offender.
The KWO urges the international community to pressure the SPDC authorities to take action over this case, and to ensure that the victim’s family and other community members face no retaliation for their attempts to seek justice. http://www.freeburmarangers.org/Reports/2009/20090124.html
FBR REPORT: The Shadow of the Oppressor
January 25, 2009 ·
Karen State, Burma20 January, 2009Today we went to look at a Burma Army camp that sits on a hill immediately above the Karen village of Tha Moo La* in western Karen State at the edge of the mountains and the plains. The village has 160 families with over 1,000 men, women and children. The villagers were forced to move here from other areas of Karen State as part of the Burma Army forced relocation program. The pictures attached are of these people being forced to work for the Burma Army.Burma soldiers watched over the villagers as they were forced to carry water up and down the hill
Porter carries water to camp as soldier watches
As we watched the camp and village below it, we noticed Burma Army soldiers come out of the camp and position themselves along the steep trail that led from the camp 100 yards down to the village. Soon villagers, both men and woman, were climbing up to work at the camp.
Thank you for the time to talk and for your help.
Karen State, Burma20 January, 2009Today we went to look at a Burma Army camp that sits on a hill immediately above the Karen village of Tha Moo La* in western Karen State at the edge of the mountains and the plains. The village has 160 families with over 1,000 men, women and children. The villagers were forced to move here from other areas of Karen State as part of the Burma Army forced relocation program. The pictures attached are of these people being forced to work for the Burma Army.Burma soldiers watched over the villagers as they were forced to carry water up and down the hill
Porter carries water to camp as soldier watchesAs we watched the camp and village below it, we noticed Burma Army soldiers come out of the camp and position themselves along the steep trail that led from the camp 100 yards down to the village. Soon villagers, both men and woman, were climbing up to work at the camp.
We could see the villagers carrying water containers from a water filling point at a hut near the stream.Burma soldiers watched over the villagers as they were forced to carry water up and down the hill.One of the villagers told us that every day villagers must carry water for the camp and report to do any labor demanded of them. They are not paid and have no choice but to obey. The villagers use a rotation system so that those who are not doing forced labor for the soldiers can tend to their own fields. At the camp we could see the small bamboo hut where every day the villagers must supply a runner to relay out Burma Army orders to the villagers. Anyone who wants to go out of the village must obtain a pass from the soldiers in the camp
Soldier watches as porter carries water to camp
Soldier watching porters carry water
The Burma Army occupies and relocates many villages and have built their camp on the high ground above this village to control the villagers.One young man who left this village and joined the FBR and is now a relief team leader told us this story:“The Burma Army occupied the Tha Moo La area for first time when I was a child. We have been forced to move many times. The last time in 2006. The Burma Army occupies and relocates many villages and have built their camp on the high ground above this village to control the villagers and to protect themselves in case the KNU (Karen National Union-Karen pro-democracy resistance) came to fight for it. The Burma Army also built a pagoda on the hill on the other side of our village against our will. The Burma Army general who commissioned the Pagoda is named Gen. Thet Oo. He was advised by a monk that if he built the Pagoda there would be peace in Tha Moo La. Next to the pagoda he bulit a monument to himself with these words inscribed on the front.” (see photo of sign and pagoda below).
‘ In remembrance of General Thet Oo and his grandparents on both mother and father side, (Oo Ka Myint, Daw San San Win and Oo Thay Min Let, Daw Wa Wa So, and Oo Moe Zaw, Daw Tu Ma, and Oo May Den To, Daw The Da). These families built this pagoda in 13, 12, 2006 at Yin Oo Taung with the leading of Monk Oo Kin Mein Da. The spirits will say amen forever.’The Burma Army has killed many of my friends. For example, Saw Pa Au La. The Burma Army suspected that he was organizing KNU activities. Nobody knows what happened to him. He was captured by Burma Army in late 2007 along with one friend and was never heard from again. The Burma Army ordered the headman to send Saw Pau La to the Burma Army camp. He went with a friend and both disappeared. He has a wife and 1 daughter age 3. His wife is a teacher in Tha Moo La.Another friend was killed in the beginning of 2007. His name was Saw Wa Shi. One day he went to his beetle nut farm. The Burma Army came from another direction. One Burma Army soldier stepped on a landmine. The Burma Army accused him of setting the mine and they beat him to death.
“Saw Poo Bal had his face blown away and lost both eyes.”They also make us act as human landmine sweepers. Sometimes the Burma Army makes the villagers work in front of their trucks so that they detonate any landmines placed there by the resistance. Many have died doing this such as my friend Saw Thaw Mo and others have been injured such as my frined Saw Po Oa. He lost one leg and broke the other one. And there is Saw Poo Bal who had his face blown away and lost both eyes.Forced labor happens all the time. Every day two villagers have to go to the Burma Army camp where they are given job assignments. They have to cut bamboo, carry food, use their ox carts to carry supplies, haul water (because the KNLA ambushed them so they are afraid to get it themselves), and whatever else they want done.
In addition to all this a very big problem in my mind is that the Burma Army has brought a teacher from the city in the plains and built a school. They are teaching their way and do not allow the children to study in their Karen language anymore. The only time they are permitted to learn in Karen right now is at Sunday School which we run ourselves. The headmaster used to be a Karen Man named Saw Htoo. The Burma Army replaced him with a Burman, The salary for one month is 15,000 kyat.
The Burma Army occupies and relocates many villages and have built their camp on the high ground above this village to control the villagers.One young man who left this village and joined the FBR and is now a relief team leader told us this story:“The Burma Army occupied the Tha Moo La area for first time when I was a child. We have been forced to move many times. The last time in 2006. The Burma Army occupies and relocates many villages and have built their camp on the high ground above this village to control the villagers and to protect themselves in case the KNU (Karen National Union-Karen pro-democracy resistance) came to fight for it. The Burma Army also built a pagoda on the hill on the other side of our village against our will. The Burma Army general who commissioned the Pagoda is named Gen. Thet Oo. He was advised by a monk that if he built the Pagoda there would be peace in Tha Moo La. Next to the pagoda he bulit a monument to himself with these words inscribed on the front.” (see photo of sign and pagoda below).
‘ In remembrance of General Thet Oo and his grandparents on both mother and father side, (Oo Ka Myint, Daw San San Win and Oo Thay Min Let, Daw Wa Wa So, and Oo Moe Zaw, Daw Tu Ma, and Oo May Den To, Daw The Da). These families built this pagoda in 13, 12, 2006 at Yin Oo Taung with the leading of Monk Oo Kin Mein Da. The spirits will say amen forever.’The Burma Army has killed many of my friends. For example, Saw Pa Au La. The Burma Army suspected that he was organizing KNU activities. Nobody knows what happened to him. He was captured by Burma Army in late 2007 along with one friend and was never heard from again. The Burma Army ordered the headman to send Saw Pau La to the Burma Army camp. He went with a friend and both disappeared. He has a wife and 1 daughter age 3. His wife is a teacher in Tha Moo La.Another friend was killed in the beginning of 2007. His name was Saw Wa Shi. One day he went to his beetle nut farm. The Burma Army came from another direction. One Burma Army soldier stepped on a landmine. The Burma Army accused him of setting the mine and they beat him to death.
“Saw Poo Bal had his face blown away and lost both eyes.”They also make us act as human landmine sweepers. Sometimes the Burma Army makes the villagers work in front of their trucks so that they detonate any landmines placed there by the resistance. Many have died doing this such as my friend Saw Thaw Mo and others have been injured such as my frined Saw Po Oa. He lost one leg and broke the other one. And there is Saw Poo Bal who had his face blown away and lost both eyes.Forced labor happens all the time. Every day two villagers have to go to the Burma Army camp where they are given job assignments. They have to cut bamboo, carry food, use their ox carts to carry supplies, haul water (because the KNLA ambushed them so they are afraid to get it themselves), and whatever else they want done.
In addition to all this a very big problem in my mind is that the Burma Army has brought a teacher from the city in the plains and built a school. They are teaching their way and do not allow the children to study in their Karen language anymore. The only time they are permitted to learn in Karen right now is at Sunday School which we run ourselves. The headmaster used to be a Karen Man named Saw Htoo. The Burma Army replaced him with a Burman, The salary for one month is 15,000 kyat.
Thank you for the time to talk and for your help.”Karen woman returns to village from the camp “This is not right and we try to stop them.”
One of the resistance soldiers told us, “That was my village where I was born. The Burma soldiers came and they make our people suffer everyday and force us to do many things for them. This is their way and the way they always are to us. They want to control our lives, force us to serve them, take our wives and daughters and use us to work the fields for them. This is not right and we try to stop them.”Here the soldiers treat the villagers as if they are their servants. In addition to forced labor and acting as human mine sweepers, the villagers are ordered to help buy chickens and feed and take care of them for the soldiers. The villagers were also forced to dig the bunkers for the camp and contribute thier own coconut and beetle nut trees to cover the bunkers.
We have hope because we believe God’s light of love can burn through the darkness. We see this light in the faces of the people here.The shadow of oppression is over this village as it is over all of Burma. We stand with the people like the one who told his story and the resistance soldier who wants freedom and justice for his home. We work and pray for the day when this oppression ends. We have hope because we believe God cares and will lead all of us who care and that God’s light of love can burn through the darkness. We see this light in the faces of the people here. We thank all of you for your love, prayers and help.God bless you,The Free Burma RangersKaren State, BurmaJanuary 20, 2009Burma.
(*Tha Moo La means ‘hope’, it is not the real name of this village.)
One of the resistance soldiers told us, “That was my village where I was born. The Burma soldiers came and they make our people suffer everyday and force us to do many things for them. This is their way and the way they always are to us. They want to control our lives, force us to serve them, take our wives and daughters and use us to work the fields for them. This is not right and we try to stop them.”Here the soldiers treat the villagers as if they are their servants. In addition to forced labor and acting as human mine sweepers, the villagers are ordered to help buy chickens and feed and take care of them for the soldiers. The villagers were also forced to dig the bunkers for the camp and contribute thier own coconut and beetle nut trees to cover the bunkers.
We have hope because we believe God’s light of love can burn through the darkness. We see this light in the faces of the people here.The shadow of oppression is over this village as it is over all of Burma. We stand with the people like the one who told his story and the resistance soldier who wants freedom and justice for his home. We work and pray for the day when this oppression ends. We have hope because we believe God cares and will lead all of us who care and that God’s light of love can burn through the darkness. We see this light in the faces of the people here. We thank all of you for your love, prayers and help.God bless you,The Free Burma RangersKaren State, BurmaJanuary 20, 2009Burma.
(*Tha Moo La means ‘hope’, it is not the real name of this village.)
karen village with burma army camp abovehttp://www.freeburmarangers.org/Reports/2009/20090123.html
Categories: Burma
Categories: Burma
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