Funeral of General Saw Bo Mya

KNU: We'll Fight On

Karen mdt seminar

The Padoh Mahn Sha Young Leader Award

The Padoh Mahn Sha Young Leader Award Nominations are invited for the first Padoh Mahn Sha Young Leader Award. The Padoh Mahn Sha Young Leader Award will be given annually by the Phan Foundation.

View this document as a pdf file in English and Karen

ABOUT THE PHAN FOUNDATION

The Phan Foundation was founded by the four children of Padoh Mahn Sha, the General Secretary of the Karen National Union, and Nant Kyin Shwe, in their memory.
The Foundation aims to fight poverty and provide education for Karen people from Burma, who have suffered decades of oppression. It also aims to protect and promote the culture of the Karen, a culture which is being systematically destroyed as part of the Burmese regime's policy of ethnic cleansing. In meeting its objectives, the Foundation will, in particular, focus on young people, encouraging and supporting a new generation of grassroots activists who will work to help their people.
THE AWARD

Each year the Padoh Mahn Sha Young Leader Award will be granted to a young Karen person who has shown outstanding leadership and dedication in areas such as fighting poverty, promoting education, promoting development, and preserving Karen culture.
An award of two thousands dollars will be given to the organisation or community for whom that person works. The winner of the award will be announced on Karen Resistance Day, 31st January.
Any Karen person under 35 is eligible to be nominated. That person can be living anywhere in the world.
HOW TO NOMINATE SOMEONE

Nominations close on 31st December 2008. Nominations can be made by any individual or organisation. Organisations can nominate one of their own members. Individuals cannot nominate themselves. They cannot be nominated by close family members.
To nominate someone statements or letter should be provided explaining why the person has been nominated. This could include for example, examples of successes in their work, their motivation, dedication, commitment, putting community before self, selflessness. Case studies and examples are encouraged. It should include their name, date of birth, the reasons for nominating the person, a description of the work that they do, and the name of their organisation or community. Statements of support from those they work with or prominent people would also assist the judging process.
Nominations can be submitted in Karen, Burmese and English. Those people who are shortlisted may be requested to provide further information.
More information can be obtained from phanfoundation@googlemail.comPhone +442073244712 or slonephan2005@yahoo.ca Phone +12042296613 .



Padoh Mahn Sha Lah Phan, General Secretary of the Karen National Union, was assasinated on 14th February 2008.
His four children have established a fund in his memory to raise money to tackle poverty and provide education in Karen State.
Read the Funeral Statement
Funeral Statement
We have lost a great father, and a great leader.
We were lucky to have a father who was caring and full of love. He gave us guidance and support, and taught us tolerance and to stand against injustice. He could not give us wealth or luxury, but ensured that we had an education and the opportunity to fulfil our potential.
He was always humble, yet a strong and brave leader. He dedicated his life to the struggle, and always put the welfare of his people and his country before himself. His example of determination and self-sacrifice to win our freedom won him the love and respect of not just the Karen people, but also the Burmese democracy movement and of freedom loving people around the world.
He will be remembered by many not only as an inspirational leader, but also on a personal level for the many acts of kindness he performed for those who needed help.
We are proud to be his children, as all Karen people and all people who long for freedom in Burma are proud of him.
Our father may be dead, but we will remember him. He taught us that it was our duty to work for the Karen people, and as his children we will continue his dedicated work towards true freedom for our people and peace in our country. His determination for freedom and democracy lives on within us and within the Karen people.
Our father lived for the principles of freedom and democracy. He believed in the unity of the Karen people against our common enemy, and in the unity of all the ethnic nationalities and people of Burma, knowing that only together can we bring freedom to our land, protect our culture and traditions, and fight poverty, hunger and disease.
What the SPDC are trying to do by killing our father is to try to kill what he stood for. We must not let them succeed. The assassination of our father must serve as a wake up call to everyone. All Karen people must realise that the only people that benefit from our division are the SPDC. Why do we let our enemy divide us? There is one Karen people. Why are we divided? We do not want revenge for the killing of our father. The best justice, what our father would want, is unity. As our father did, we love all the Karen people. We appeal to those Karen soldiers in our country who are not with the KNLA. Come back to us, come back to the KNU. Let us be one family again. United and strong. And to Karen people all over the world, forced to leave our country, join with us wherever you are to fight for justice and freedom.
Not just the Karen, but all the freedom loving people of Burma must work together for our freedom. This is what our father worked for. We call on all democratic forces to unite against the common enemy.
And to the international community; the assassination of our father shows once again that the regime is lying to you when they say they have a roadmap to democracy. Our father dedicated his life to the struggle for a democratic Burma. That is why they killed him. Our father worked for a political solution to bring peace and democracy to our country. He worked for a stable federal Burma which would bring peace and development. Our father, and democracy leaders like him, did not get the support from the United Nations and others that they should have. The international community must stop fooling itself that the SPDC will reform itself and change. Instead they must start working with leaders of the democracy movement to bring real change to our country.
We are very grateful for the many messages of support and sympathy that we have received from all over the world. At a time of such sadness for us it has been a great comfort to hear from so many people, and to know how much love and respect people had for our father. We know that many of you are feeling sad and downhearted. That is not what our father would want. He would want you to pay tribute to him by working twice as hard, to be strong and to unified. If you loved our father, the best way to show it is to fight to fulfil his dream of freedom. Don’t let what he stood for die with him.
Our father’s death does not leave us weaker. It shows that we are strong. They killed our father because they are afraid of him and what he stood for. By killing him the regime have shown us what they are afraid of, and so we know that to follow our father’s path is to follow the path to freedom.
He knew that divided we are weak, and together we are strong. He knew we must work with all democratic forces and all ethnic nationalities to bring freedom and peace to our people.
He believed in equality. We may have different languagues and different cultures and traditions, but we are all equal. We have the same rights regardless of our ethnic group, or whether we are a man or a woman.
He believed in self sacrifice. Freedom will not be given to us. We must all dedicate ourselves to the struggle to win back our freedom, so that no more generations grow up in fear and in poverty.
But above all he believed in the four principles of Saw Ba U Gyi:
For us surrender is out of the question.The recognition of Karen State must be complete.We shall retain our arms.We shall decide our own political destiny.
Our father did not live to see freedom for our people, but his dream will be fulfilled.
The Karen, and all the people of Burma, will be free. We shall never surrender.

Statement from the children of Padoh Mahn Sha Lah Phan14 February 2008
We are very sad to lose a great father and a great leader. We were lucky to have a father who was caring and full of love. He gave us guidance and support, and taught us tolerance and to stand against injustice. He could not give us wealth or luxury, but ensured that we had an education and the opportunity to fulfill our potential He was always humble, yet a strong and brave leader. He dedicated his life to the struggle, and always put the welfare of his people and his country before himself. His example of determination and self-sacrifice to win our freedom won him the love and respect of not just the Karen people, but also the Burmese democracy movement and of freedom loving people around the world. He will be remembered by many not only as an inspirational leader, but also on a personal level for the many acts of kindness he performed for those who needed help. We are proud to be his children, as all Karen people and all people who long for freedom in Burma are proud of him. Our father may be dead, but we will remember him. He taught us that it was our duty to work for the Karen people, and as his children we will continue his dedicated work towards true freedom for our people and peace in our country. His determination for freedom and democracy lives on within us and within the Karen people. He did not live to see freedom for our people, but his dream will be fulfilled. The Karen, and all the people of Burma, will be free. We will be establishing a foundation in memory of our father. Donations can be made online at http://www.zoyaphan.com/

Saw Say Say

Nant Bwa Bwa Phan

Nant Zoya Phan

Slone Phan

A brief biography of Padoh Mahn Sha

Padoh Mahn Sha Lah Phan was born in Rangoon on 5th July 1943.He graduated from Rangoon University in 1966 with a degree in history.He joined the Karen National Union (KNU) in 1963. In 1964 he became a member of the KNU Central Committee, and was elected Joint General Secretary in 1995. He was elected General Secretary in 2000, and is also a member of the Secretariat of the National Council of the Union of Burma, the umbrella organisation representing organisations in the Burmese democracy movement. Padoh Mahn Sha married Nant Kyin Shwe in 1976. She passed away on 31st July 2004. He is survived by four children, two sons and two daughters; Saw Say Say, Nant Bwa Bwa Phan, Nant Zoya Phan, Slone Phan

Army covering-up loss of rations in raid by Karen rebels

Mon 02 Feb 2009, IMNA
Karen rebels have seized rations from supply trucks bound for Three Pagodas Pass, on the Thai-Burma border. Instead of risking punishment by admitting the mistake to higher authorities, responsible officers are covering up the loss and demanding compensation from civilians. On January 19th, soldiers from Brigade 6 of the Karen National Liberation (KNLA) stopped three vehicles between Tabyu and Asin villages in Three Pagodas Pass Township. The vehicles, sent by the Southeast Command (SEC) in Moulmein and driven by conscripted civilians, were bound to deliver rations to battalions in Three Pagodas Pass Town. The rations never made it, however. According to Major Joe Zaw from Brigade 6, KNLA soldiers stopped the trucks near the Tikabown gate, operated by the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA). The DKBA split from the KNLA and its political wing the Karen National Union (KNU) in 1994 and is now loosely allied with Burma’s central government. The vehicles were traveling without an armed guard, Major Jaw Zaw said, and the SEC hoped they could slip by the KNLA in secret. KNLA soldiers seized 362 baskets of rice, 43 baskets of beans, 20 baskets of sugar, and 50 containers of beef, milk, and oil. The lost rice is the responsibility of the Tactical Command in Kyaik Don village, Kyainnseikyi Township. The colonel of the Tactical Command, however, has yet to inform the SEC. According to KNLA sources that monitor radio communications between the SEC and the Tactical Command, no report of the ration seizure has been made. The secrecy is not surprising. In the beginning of 2006, the KNLA seized rice rations from Light Infantry Battalion (LIB) No. 538 as it approached Three Pagodas Pass. Then as now, superior officers avoided notifying the SEC. According to KNLA Lieutenant Pho Pale, KNLA communications monitoring overheard a superior officer order soldiers to “close their mouths” and keep the ration loss a secret. Instead of requesting a dispersal of new rations, soldiers were instructed to solve the problem locally by obtaining rations from area villagers. KNLA soldiers also seized 60 and 81 caliber ammunition from 10-wheel trucks departing Three Pagodas Pass in June 2006, said Lieutenant Pho Pale. The loss of ammunition proved a more serious problem for the battalion, as it could not procure replacements locally. After informing the SEC, Major Myo Kyaw of Light Infantry Brigade No. 538 was punished and transferred to the North Region Command. The Civilian drivers who were initially forced to provide free transport, meanwhile, are now being required to provide compensation for the lost supplies. “The Burmese military forced the vehicles to carry their rations by threatening with guns. The drivers weren’t paid anything to transport the goods,” said a source that spoke with one of the drivers. “And then the KNLA seized the supplies. [The drivers] have no way to survive now because they have to compensate for the loss while their business is not good anyway because of the increasing number of road checkpoints [that tax drivers],” said the source. At the end of December, drivers near Thanbyuzayat were also forced to pay compensation fees after KNLA soldiers seized 140 sacks of rice from their civilian transportation. In the same month, the KNLA also seized 391 baskets of paddy from the army in Tavoy District, Tenasserim Division. Each driver has been ordered to pay 50,000 kyat per basket, but most of the drivers have only been able to pay 10,000. According to a source close to the drivers, the drivers will not be allowed to transport goods until the pay the full compensation. About 150 vehicles regularly transport goods and people to Three Pagodas Pass. Local villagers have also been ordered to provide paddy to replace the lost rations. The villagers have not been able to provide the supplies, though the Htay logging company has provided 200 baskets of paddy said a source involved in the exchange. Htay Company is owned by Major General Hla Htay Win, a former Rangoon Commander who was recently named Chief of Military Training. Htay Company has been involved in heavy logging in the area and harvested over 2,000 tons of timber from the KNU-controlled Makate forest in November and December. The logging was halted, however, when villagers’ complaints prompted district-level KNU officials to rescind logging access granted by local officials. The KNLA and KNU have been fighting Burma’s central governments since the country achieved independence in 1948. Once one of the strongest armed opposition groups in Burma, the KNU/KNLA has seen its power and territory dwindle in recent decades. Since the latter portions of 2008, the Burmese army has been preparing a joint offensive against territory held by KNLA Brigade 6. According to Major Joe Zaw, the effort will be aided by DKBA battalions 901, 906, 907 and 999.

SLIDESHOW Karen “Bridging the Generation Gap”

February 2, 2009 · A new dawn for the Karen?
Some 5,000 Karens and guests celebrated the 60th anniversary of the founding of the Karen National Union (KNU) on Saturday at its stronghold in Karen State.
Officials said the event served to celebrate Karen culture, to honor the Karen revolution and to act as a bridge between the rebel movement’s old guard and the new generation.The highlight of the festival was the presentation of awards to 16 elderly soldiers to commemorate their 60-year commitment to the Karen revolutionary movement. Among them were KNU Chairman Gen Tamalabaw and Chief of Staff Mu Tu. However, Gen Tamalabaw was unable to attend the ceremony.
“The Karens’ struggle for freedom will continue until we accomplish our goal,” Commander Mu Tu told the crowd. “We Karen condemn the chauvinist Burman ideology of the military junta and the militarization of Burma.”
The KNU was founded to fight for autonomy for the Karen in 1949, a year after Burma had declared independence from Great Britain. The Karen rebels and its military wing, the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA), were once one of most powerful insurgent groups in the region. However, the rebels were pushed back to the Thai-Burmese border in the 1960s where they set up a headquarters at Manerplaw on the Moei River across from the Thai border.
In 1995, the KNU’s main ally, the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA), split from the KNU and signed a ceasefire agreement with the Burmese military government. Manerplaw fell to a combined force of DKBA and Burmese army troops soon after.
Since then, the KNLA has been limited to guerilla warfare—mainly hit and run attacks on its enemies from scattered jungle bases. The KNU has lost strategic territory and with it, trade routes to and from Burma and Thailand.
The deputy chairman of the KNU, David Takapaw, told reporters at the ceremony that the Karen rebels will maintain their lines of defense against the Burmese junta and the DKBA.
“In warfare, sometime troops have to retreat. Sometimes they move forward.Therefore, we have to retreat before we take a step forward,” he said.
Organizers stressed that the festival was more than just a political ceremony, and was a significant step in unifying Karen in insurgent areas and abroad.
Under a UN resettlement program, thousands of Karen refugees have resettled in Western countries in recent years. Several flew in for the 60th anniversary party.
Saw Eh Htee Kaw, a Karen refugee who was resettled in the UK several years ago, said he had come to the Revolution Day to see relatives, friends and former colleagues.
“I am very happy to be at the ceremony,” he said. “I did not expect thousands of people to be here.”
Zoya Phan, a daughter of the assassinated KNU leader, Mahn Sha, also traveled from London to attend the celebration.
Mahn Sha, the former Karen general secretary, was assassinated by unknown gunmen at his residence in Mae Sot on the Thai-Burmese border on February 14, 2008.
“The military junta has been trying to destroy the Karen and its leaders,” said activist Zoya Phan. “But can they destroy us?”
Mahn Sha’s family has formed the Phan Foundation to encourage and support a new generation of Karen community activists who will work to help their people.
The foundation has created the Padoh Mahn Sha Young Leader Award, which on Saturday was presented to a Karen woman activist, Naw Paw K’ Bla Htoo, for her outstanding contribution to people in the border areas. She also received a US $2,000 prize with the award.
“I am very happy to receive this award,” Naw Paw K’ Bla Htoo said. “I will keep up my solid commitment to contribute to the Karen people who definitely need encouragement.”
Saw Eh Htee Kaw shared her sentiments. “Although there have been many dilemmas and many disappointments along the 60 years of struggle, I hope to see a new dawn for the Karens in the near future,” he said.http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=15045
link slideshow http://www.irrawaddy.org/multimedia_index2.php
Categories: Burma Tagged: Burma, Human Rights, Junta, Karen, KNU

ကရင္လူမ်ိဳးမ်ားႏွင့္ ေရွးဦးသမုိင္းအက်ဥ္း

Thursday, January 22, 2009


ထီ့ေဆ့ေမ့ယြား ေခၚ ထီးဆဲ့မဲ့ယြားလူမ်ိဳးတုိင္းသည္ မိမိတုိ႔၏သမုိင္းကုိ သားစဥ္ေျမးဆက္လက္ဆင့္ကမ္းသယ္ပုိးခဲ့ၾက၏။ သုိ႔ျဖစ္၍ သမုိင္းဟူသည္ ေဖာာက္ဖ်က္၍ ရနုိင္ေကာင္းေသာ အရာမဟုတ္ေပ။ပုဂံရာဇ၀င္ကုိ တုတ္ထမ္းေျပာရတယ္ ဟု အဆုိရိွလွ်င္ ပုဂံရာဇ၀င္ထက္ ေရွးက်သည့္ ကြ်နု္ပ္တုိ႕ ကရင္တုိင္းရင္းသာတုိ႔၏ ေရွးဦးသမုိင္းကုိ ျပန္ေျပာင္းေျပာရာတြင္ သုေတသီတုိ႔ အျငင္းပြားဖြယ္ရာရိွပါက အံ့ၾသစရာမဟုတ္ေပ။ကြ်နု္ပ္တုိ႕ ကရင္တုိင္းရင္းသားတုိ႔သည္ ေရွးကပင္ လူႀကီးမိဘမ်ား၏ ဆုံးမစကားကုိ တရုိတေသမွတ္သားလုိက္နာတတ္ၿပီး ေနာင္လာေနာင္သားမ်ားအား ျပန္လည္သြန္သင္ဆုံးမျခင္းျဖင့္ သမုိင္းအေထာက္အထားမ်ားကုိ ခုိင္ခုိင္လုံလုံ ထိန္းသိမ္းလာ နုိင္ခဲ့သည္။ ယင္းသမုိင္းအေထာက္အထားမ်ားအနက္ ထီ့ေဆံေမ့ယြားေခၚ ထီးဆဲ့မဲ့ယြား ေဒသသည္ ကရင္လူမ်ိဳးတုိ႔ တစ္ခ်ိန္က အေျခခ်ေနထုိင္ခဲ့ေသာ ေနရာေဒသျဖစ္ေၾကာင္းကုိ အမ်ားကၾကားဖူးၿပီးျဖစ္ေသာ္လည္း ယင္း ထီ့ဆဲ့မဲ့ယြား ေဒသသည္ မည္သည့္တုိင္းျပည္ေဒသ တြင္ ရွိသည္ကုိ မွန္းဆမရနုိင္သူ မ်ားလွသည္။ထီ့ဆဲ့မဲ့ယြား ဟူသည္ ေရစီးရာတြင္ သဲတုိ႔ ေမ်ာပါေနေသာ ျဖစ္ေခ်ာင္းေဒသ ဟု အဓိပၸါယ္ရသည္။ ယင္းေဒသကုိ မႏုႆပထ၀ီေဗဒႏွင့္ သမုိင္းပညာရပ္မ်ားစသည္တုိ႔ျဖင့္ သိပၸံနည္းက် ေလ့လာရွာေဖြပါက တရုတ္ျပည္ေတာင္ပုိင္း တစ္ေနရာတြင္ လြန္ခဲ့ေသာနွစ္ေပါင္း (၃၅၀၀)ေလာက္က တည္ရိွခဲ့ေသာ အုိေအစစ္ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈ ပုံသ႑ာန္ျဖစ္ၿပီး၊ ျမစ္ေၾကာင္းတစ္ေလွ်ာက္ စုိက္ပ်ိဳး ေမြးျဖဴေရး အသင့္အတင့္လုပ္ကုိင္၍ အေျခခ်ေနထုိင္ၿပီး မိသားစု အိမ္ေထာင္စုတုိ႔ စုေပါင္းေနထိုင္ၾကသည့္ ေဒသျဖစ္သည္။ထုိေဒသတြင္ ကရင္ေရွးဦးလူတုိ႔သည္ ရာစုႏွစ္တစ္၀က္ေက်ာ္ ေနထုိင္ခဲ့ဟန္ရိွၿပီး ေနာက္ပုိင္းတြင္ ျမစ္ေခ်ာင္းမ်ားတိမ္ေကာမႈႏွင့္ မုိးေရလွ်ံမႈတုိ႕ေၾကာင့္ စုိက္ပ်ိဳးခင္းမ်ား လူေနအိမ္မ်ားပ်က္ဆီးခဲ့ရၿပီး တုိးပြားလာေသာ လူဦးေရအတြက္ ေထာက္ပံ့နုိင္သည့္ အေျခအေနမရိွေတာ့သျဖင့္ ေနရာအသစ္ရွာေဖြရန္ အုပ္စုခဲြၿပီး ေတာင္ဘက္အရပ္မ်ားသုိ႔ ေရႊ႕ေျပာင္းလာၾကရာ ယေန႕အေရွ႕ေတာင္အာရွေဒသအႏွံ႕ ျပန္႕က်ဲေနထုိင္ၾကေသာ ကရင္လူမ်ိဳးစုမ်ားကုိ ေတြ႕ရျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။မုိ႕ထိတ္ ဖထိတ္ ေခၚ မုိးထိ ပါးထိကရင္ေရွးဦးလူမ်ိဳးတုိ႕သည္ အေရွ႕ေတာင္အာရွေဒသအႏွံ႕ အစုစုပ်ံ႕ႏွံ႕ ေနထုိင္ၾကေသာ္လည္း ထီေဆ့ေမ့ယြားေဒသမွ ထြက္လာစဥ္က အားလုံးတစ္ခ်ိန္တည္း ထြက္လာၾကသည္မဟုတ္ပဲ အနည္းဆုံး အုပ္စုႀကီး ႏွစ္စု ထြက္လာၾကသည္မွာ ထင္ရွားပါသည္။ ယင္းအုပ္စုႏွစ္စုအနက္ ေရွးဦးစြာ ထြက္လာၾကသူမ်ားမွာ ဖခင္မ်ား သုိ႔မဟုတ္ အၾကားအျမင္ဗဟုသုတရွိၿပီး အသက္ႀကီးေသာ ေယာက်္ားမ်ားဦးေဆာင္ျပဳေသာ အုပ္စုျဖစ္ၿပီး ေကာင္းမြန္ေသာေဒသအသစ္ေတြ႕ရိွပါက က်န္ခဲ့ေသာ မိသားစုမ်ားကုိ ျပန္ေခၚရန္ ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္ျဖင့္ ထြက္လာၾကၿပီး ယင္းအုပ္စုတြင္ လုိက္ပါသြားသူမ်ားကုိ ေနာင္ကာလတြင္ ဖထိတ္ သုိ႔မဟုတ္ ပါထိ ေခၚ ဖခင္အႏြယ္ကရင္မ်ိဳးႏြယ္စုမ်ားဟု ေခၚတြင္လာခ့ဲသည္။ က်န္ခဲ့ေသာ မိသားစုမ်ားတြင္ အေတြ႕ႀကံဳျပည့္စုံေသာ မိခင္မ်ား သုိ႔မဟုတ္ အမ်ိဳးသမီးႀကီးမ်ားက စီမံကြပ္ကဲ၍ ထုိေဒသမွ ထြက္ခြာေသာၾကေသာ မိသားစုမ်ား သည္ တစ္ေန႕တြင္ ျပန္လာေခၚမည္ဟု ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ခ်က္ျဖင့္ ထီ့ေဆ့ေမ့ယြား ေဒသတြင္ ေနထုိင္လာခဲ့ရာ ႏွစ္ေပါင္းၾကာျမင့္လာေသာအခါ သဘာ၀ေဘးရန္မ်ားႏွင့္ ေနာက္ထပ္ေရႊ႕ေျပာင္းလာၾကေသာ အျခားလူမ်ိဳးစုမ်ားရန္ေၾကာင့္ ေရွးကထြက္ခြာသြားေသာ အုပ္စုေနာက္သုိ႔ ရွာေဖြလုိက္လာခဲ့ၿပီး ယင္းတုိ႔ကုိ ထီ့ေဆ့ေမ့ယြားမွ မုိ႕ထိတ္ သုိ႔မဟုတ္ မုိးထိ ေခၚ မိခင္အႏြယ္၀င္ ကရင္လူမ်ိဳးမ်ား ျဖစ္လာၾကသည္ဟု သမုိင္းပညာရွင္ အမ်ားစုက လက္ခံယုံၾကည္ထားၾကသည္။ဖထိတ္ေခၚ စေကာကရင္အုပ္စုသည္ မဲေခါင္ျမစ္ေၾကာင္း သံလြင္ျမစ္ေၾကာင္းမ်ားကုိ အဓိကအသုံးျပဳၿပီး ေတာင္ဘက္သို႕ ေရႊ႕ေျပာင္းလာၾကရာ ယေန႕တုိင္ ယုိးဒယားျပည္၊ ျမန္မာျပည္၊ ကေမၻာဒီးယားႏွင့္ ဗီယနမ္ေတာင္ပုိင္း၊ မေလးရွားေျမာက္ပုိင္းေဒသမ်ားသုိ႔တုိင္ေအာင္ ေတာင္ေပၚေျမျပန္႕အႏွံ႕ ေနထုိင္ၾကသည္ကုိ ေတြ႕နုိင္ပါသည္။မုိ႕ထိတ္ ေခၚ ပုိးကရင္အုပ္စုသည္ ဧရာ၀တီျမစ္ေၾကာင္းတုိ႕ကုိ အထူးသျဖင့္ အသုံးျပဳၿပီး ဆင္းသက္လာခဲ့ၾကရာ ျမန္မာျပည္ျဖစ္၀ကြ်န္းေပၚေဒသႏွင့္ ကရင္ျပည္နယ္ေဒသမ်ားတြင္လည္းေကာင္း၊ ယုိးဒယားျပည္အေနာက္ဘက္ျခမ္းေဒသမ်ားတြင္ လည္းေကာင္း ပ်ံ႕ႏွံ႕ေနထုိင္သည္ကုိ ေတြ႕ရေပမည္။ကရင္သကၠရာဇ္ေရတြက္ျခင္းဒုတိယအသုတ္ျဖစ္ေသာ မုိ႕ထိတ္ေခၚ ပုိးကရင္အႏြယ္၀င္တုိ႔သည္ ခမ(၇၃၉) ႏွစ္ေလာက္တြင္ ျပည္ေထာင္စုထဲသုိ႔ စတင္၀င္ေရာက္လာၿပီး ထုိကာလမွစ၍ ကြ်နု္ပ္တုိ႔ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသာ သကၠရာဇ္ကုိ သုေတသီတုိ႕ေရတြက္၍ ယခုႏွစ္ဆုိလွ်င္ ၂၇၄၈-ခုႏွစ္သုိ႔ ေရာက္လာခ့ဲပါၿပီ။သုိ႔ျဖစ္၍ ယေန႕ ကြ်နု္ပ္တုိ႔ျပည္ေထာင္စုအတြင္း ျပန္လည္ဆုံစည္းၾကေသာ ဖခင္အႏြယ္၀င္ စေကာကရင္ အုပ္စုႏွင့္ မိခင္အႏြယ္၀င္ ပုိးကရင္ အုပ္စုတုိ႔မွာ တစ္ခ်ိန္က ထီ့ေဆံေမ့ယြားတြင္ တစ္ရြာတည္း သို႕မဟုတ္ တစ္အိမ္ေထာင္စုတည္းေနထုိင္ခဲ့ၾကေသာ မိဘမ်ားမွ တစ္မ်ိဳးတည္း တစ္ခုတည္းေသာ ေသြးရင္းသားရင္းညီအစ္ကုိမ်ားျဖစ္ေၾကာင္းကုိ ကရင္လူႀကီးမ်ားက ဆုံးမေျပာၾကားခဲ့ေသာ ပုံျပင္မ်ား၊ ဆုံးမစကားမ်ား၊ စကားပုံမ်ားအရ မွန္ကန္ေၾကာင္း ျငင္းဆုိစရာမရိွသည့္အျပင္ ယင္းသမုိင္းစဥ္ကုိ ပုိမုိခုိင္လုံေစသည့္ သမုိင္းအေထာက္အထား မ်ားက ယေန႕အေရွ႕ေတာင္အာရွေဒသရိွလူမ်ိဳးစုမ်ား၏သမုိင္းကုိ ေလ့လာျခင္းအားျဖင့္ ယင္းတုိ႔အနက္ ကြ်နု္ပ္တုိ႔ ကရင္လူမ်ိဳးစုမ်ား၏ အတိတ္သမုိင္းေၾကာင္းကုိလည္း မွန္ကန္စြာ ေလ့လာေတြ႕ရိွနုိင္ပါသည္။ကရင္ဟု ေခၚတြင္ျခင္းကရင္လူမ်ိဳးစုမ်ားကုိ ပညာရွင္မ်ားက ထုိင္းတရုတ္အႏြယ္၀င္မ်ားဟု မွတ္တမ္းတင္ၾကသည္။ ပညာရွင္တုိ႔၏ တင္ျပခ်က္အရ လူတုိ႔၏ ဦးေခါင္းခြံအေနအထားႏွင့္ ႏွာေခါင္းအေနအထားအရလည္းေကာင္း၊ စကားေ၀ါဟာရ ဘာသာေဗဒအရလည္းေကာင္း သတ္မွန္ေခၚတြင္ျခင္းျဖစ္ေသာ္လည္း ကရင္လူမ်ိဳးစုမ်ားမွာ ထုိ္င္း တရုတ္ အုပ္စုမ်ားကဲ့သုိ႔ပင္ မြန္ဂုိအႏြယ္၀င္မ်ားျဖစ္ၾကသည္။အေရွ႕ေတာင္အာရွရိွ လူမ်ိဳးအေတာ္မ်ားမ်ားက ယန္ ဟု ေခၚၾကၿပီး၊ ျမန္မာလူမ်ိဳးမ်ားက ကရင္ဟုေခၚၾကသည္။ ကရင္ဟူေသာ အေခၚကုိ မည္သည့္အခ်ိန္ကစၿပီး ေခၚၾကသည္ကုိ အတိအက်တင္ျပရန္ ခက္ခဲေသာ္လည္း ယင္းအေခၚသည္ အင္း၀ေခတ္မတုိင္မီ စတင္ေခၚထြင္ ခဲ့ဟန္ရိွသည္။ ျမန္မာလူမ်ိဳးတုိ႔၏ အယူအဆအရ ကရင္လူမ်ိဳးမ်ားကုိ ရွမ္းလူမ်ိဳး(၃၀)တြင္ ထည့္သြင္း၍ မွတ္တမ္းတင္ခဲ့ရာ ေကြ႕ရွမ္းလူမ်ိဳးမ်ားကုိလည္းေကာင္း ဂြ်မ္းလူမ်ားကုိလည္း ေကာင္း၊ ကရင္လူမ်ိဳးမ်ားဟု ေဒသတစ္ေလွ်ာက္ ေခၚတြင္ၾကခဲ့သည္ဟု သမုိင္းပညာရွင္အခ်ိဳ႕ က ယူဆၾကသည္။အခ်ိဳ႕ပညာရွင္မ်ားက တစ္ခ်ိန္က ဧရာ၀တီျမစ္ကမ္းတြင္ ေနထုိင္ခဲ့ဖူးေသာ ကမ္းယံလူမ်ိဳးမွားမွ ကရင္လူမ်ိဳးမ်ားျဖစ္လာသည္ဟူ၍လည္းေကာင္း၊ ပ်ဴလူမ်ိဳးမ်ားအား ယေန႔ ပုိးကရင္ျဖစ္လာသည္ဟူ၍လည္းေကာင္း ယူဆၾကသည္။ယေန႔ရခုိင္ျပည္နယ္ေဒသတစ္ခ်ိဳ႕တြင္ ကမ္းယံ လူမ်ိဳးအနည္းငယ္ကုိ ေတြ႕နုိင္ရာ ယင္းတုိ႔မွာ ကရင္လူမ်ိဳးမွားႏွင့္မတူေၾကာင္းကုိလည္းေကာင္း၊ ပ်ဴလူမ်ိဳးမ်ားသည္ ေပ်ာက္ကြယ္သြားၿပီဟု သမုိင္းပညာရွင္အခ်ိဳ႕က ယူဆၾကေသာ္လည္း အမွန္မွာ ယေန႔တုိင္ေအာင္ ပ်ဴလူမ်ိဳးတုိ႔၏ အဆက္အႏြယ္ကုိ ပဲခူးတုိင္းအေနာက္ဖက္ျခမ္းႏွင့္ ျပည္ၿမိဳ႕တစ္ဖက္တြင္ အႏွ႔႔ံအျပားေတြ႕ရိွနုိင္ ပါသည္။ သုိ႔ရာတြင္ ထုိသူတုိ႔အားလုံးမွာ သူတုိ႕ကုိယ္တုိင္ ျမန္မာလူမ်ိဳးမ်ားဟု ယုံၾကည္ၾကၿပီး ျမန္မာလူမ်ိဳးမ်ားအသြင္သုိ႔ လုံး၀ေျပာင္းလဲသြားျခင္းသာျဖစ္သည္။ သုိ႕ေသာ္ ျမန္မာစစ္စစ္မ်ား ႏွင့္ အေရာင္အေသြးမတူျခင္း၊ စကားေျပာရာတြင္ အသံ၀ဲပုံ တစ္မ်ိဳးတစ္ဖုံထူးျခားျခင္းတုိ႔ ေၾကာင့္ ပ်ဴလူမ်ိဳးမ်ားကုိ ပုိးကရင္ျဖစ္လာသည္ဆုိေသာ ယူဆခ်က္မွာ မမွန္နုိင္ပါ။ သို႕ရာတြင္ ေရွးပ်ဴယဥ္ေက်းမႈထြန္းကားခ်ိန္တြင္ ပ်ဴလူမ်ိဳးမ်ားႏွင့္ ပုိးကရင္အႏြယ္အ၀င္မ်ားတုိ႔ ေရာေႏွာ ခဲ့ၾကသည့္ လကၡဏာအေထာက္အထားကား ထည့္သြင္းစဥ္းစားရေပမည္။အဘယ့္ေၾကာင့္ဆုိေသာ္ ယေန႕ကရင္လူမ်ိဳးတုိ႔၏ ရုိးရာဓေလ့အခ်ိဳ႕သည္ ထုိေခတ္ ပ်ဴယဥ္ေက်းမႈ အခ်ိဳ႕တုိ႔ႏွင့္ နီးစပ္သည္ကုိ ေတြ႕ရိွနုိင္ျခင္း၊ မည္လည္သမုိင္းတြင္ ပ်ဴမင္း မ်ား ဟူေသာ အေရးအသားႏွင့္ပတ္သက္၍ ပ်ဴမွာ လူမ်ိဳးမ်ားကုိ ေဖာ္ျပရာျဖစ္သကဲ့သုိ႔ ၿပဳံး ဟူေသာ အေခၚမွာ ျမန္မာစကားသံအရ ယရစ္သံပ်က္ျဖစ္၍ ပရုံး ဟူေသာအသံထြက္ၿပီး သံမွန္အေနအထားသုိ႔ေလ့လာပါက ပရုံး ဖလုံး ဖလုံ ဟူေသာ အသံမ်ားရဲ႕ မူလဇစ္ျမစ္ျဖစ္နုိင္ ၿပီး ယင္းအေခၚသည္ ယေန႕ ပုိးကရင္ တုိ႔ မိမိကုိယ္ကုိေခၚေသာ ဖလုံ ဟူေသာ အေခၚႏွင့္ အသံထြက္တူသည္ကုိ ေတြ႕ရသည္။ထုိ႔အျပင္ နုိင္ငံျခားသားမ်ား၏ မွတ္တမ္း၀င္အေခၚအရ ျပည္ၿမိဳ႕ကုိ ပရုံး ဟုေခၚျခင္းသည္ ယင္း ေဒသတြင္ တစ္ခ်ိန္က ယေန႕ ဖလုံ ေခၚေသာ ပုိးကရင္လူမ်ိဳးစုတုိ႔ ေနထုိင္ရာ ေဒသအျဖစ္ျဖင့္ ထင္ရွားခဲ့ေၾကာင္းကုိ ေရွးကရင္လူႀကီးမ်ားအဆုိႏွင့္ ယွဥ္ၿပီးသိနုိင္ပါသည္။ျမန္မာသမုိင္းတြင္ ပါရိွသည့္ မြန္ ျမန္မာတုိ႔ ႏွစ္ေပါင္း(၄၀)စစ္ပဲြကာလတြင္ ျမန္မာမင္းမ်ား၏ အေရွ႕ဘက္စစ္ေၾကာင္းျဖစ္ေသာ စစ္ေတာင္းျမစ္၀ွမ္းတစ္ေလ်ွာက္တြင္ အမ်ားစုေနထုိင္ေသာ စေကာကရင္ လူမ်ိဳးစုမ်ားကုိ ျမန္မာမင္းတုိ႔၏ စစ္တပ္မ်ားတြင္ ပါ၀င္ေစျခင္းျဖင့္လည္းေကာင္း၊ မြန္မင္းမ်ားႀကီးစုိးရာ ေဒသျဖစ္ေသာ ျမစ္၀ကြန္းေပၚႏွင့္ ေအာက္ပုိင္းရိွပုိးကရင္လူမ်ိဳးစုမ်ားကုိ မြန္မင္းမ်ား၏ စစ္တပ္တြင္ ပါ၀င္ေစျခင့္ျဖင့္လည္းေကာင္း၊ ကရင္လူမ်ိဳးႏွစ္စုအား မြန္ ျမန္မာတုိ႔က ခဲြျခားေခၚေ၀ၚျခင္းျဖင့္ စေကာကရင္အုပ္စုကုိ ျမန္မာကရင္မ်ား၊ ပုိးကရင္အုပ္စုကုိ မြန္ကရင္ သုိ႕မဟုတ္ တလုိ္င္းကရင္မ်ားဟူ၍လည္းေကာင္း ယေန႕တုိင္ေအာင္ တစ္ခ်ိဳ႕ေခၚေ၀ၚ ေနၾကေသးသည္။သုေတသီတစ္ခ်ိဳ႕က ေတာင္ငူမင္းဆက္ကုိ ကရင္လူမ်ိဳးတုိ႔ စတင္တည္ေထာင္ေၾကာင္း အဆုိရိွၾကသည္။ ယင္းအဆုိမွာ မ်ားစြာ ေလၽွာ္ကန္လွေပသည္။ အေၾကာင္းမွာ မြန္-ျမန္မာစစ္ပဲြ ကာလတြင္ စေကာကရင္လူမ်ိဳးစုတုိ႔သည္ စစ္ေရး အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးအေတြ႕အႀကံဳႏွင့္ နယ္ေျမေဒသ စုစည္းေနထုိင္မႈမ်ားေၾကာင့္ ေတာင္ငူမင္းဆက္ကုိ စတင္တည္ေထာင္ရန္ အင္အားအထူးေကာင္းမြန္လ်က္ရိွမည္မွာမလဲြေပ၊ မည္သုိ႔ပင္ဆုိေစကာမူ သမုိင္းတြင္ ကရင္လူမ်ိဳးတုိ႔ မွတ္တမ္းမ၀င္သည္မွာ ကရင္လူ မ်ိဴးတုိ႕၏ ေအးေဆးစြာ ေနထုိင္လုိေသာစိတ္ဓာတ္ႏွင့္ စည္းလုံးညီညြတ္မႈ အားနည္းေသာ သဘာ၀တုိ႔ေၾကာင့္ အျခားလူမ်ိဳးမ်ား၏လက္ေအာက္တြင္ ကာလၾကာျမင့္စြာ ေနထုိင္ၾကရကာ မိမိတုိ႔ဓေလ့ထုံးစံတစ္ခ်ိဳ႕ ႏွေမ်ာဖြယ္ရာ ဆုံးရွဴံးရျခင္းႏွင့္ တစ္ေဒသႏွင့္ တစ္ေဒသဆက္သြယ္ရန္ ေ၀းလံခက္ခဲေသာ ေနရာေဒသမ်ားတြင္ ေနထုိင္ၾကရေလသည္။
စေရွာင္ဖန္း(အင္းစိန္)
၂၀၀၆-ထုတ္ ပုိးကရင္မဂၢဇင္းမွ
Posted by Myochitkaren

ၿခိမ္းေျခာက္ခံေနရေသာ ဒုကၡသည္စခန္း

Monday, February 2, 2009
ျမန္မာႏွင့္ နယ္နိမိတ္ခ်င္း ထိေနေသာ ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံေျမာက္ပိုင္း မဲေဆာက္ၿမိဳ႕၏ ေတာင္ဘက္ ၅ နာရီခရီးအကြာရွိ ႏို႔ဖိုး ဒုကၡသည္စခန္းတြင္ ညအခ်ိန္၌ စခန္းပတ္လမ္းတေလွ်ာက္ လူသူဟူ၍ မေတြ႔ရေတာ့ဘဲ ရွင္းလင္းေနေတာ့သည္။ည ၉ နာရီထိုးခ်ိန္ မဆင္မျခင္ ဖေရာင္းတိုင္ထြန္းသည့္သူ ေပၚလာလွ်င္ ျမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရကို ပုန္ကန္တိုက္ခိုက္ေနသည့္ အာရွတြင္ သက္တမ္းအရွည္ဆံုး တပ္ဖြဲ႔တဖြဲ႔ျဖစ္သည့္ တိုင္းရင္းသားသူပုန္ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသား အစည္းအ႐ုံး (KNU) ၏ လက္နက္ကိုင္တပ္ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသား လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးတပ္မေတာ္ (KNLA) တပ္ဖြဲ႔ဝင္မ်ားက ခ်က္ခ်င္းပင္ လာေရာက္၍ ၿငႇိမ္းသတ္လိုက္ၾကလိမ့္မည္။ျမန္မာအစိုးရ ေက်ာေထာက္ေနာက္ခံျပဳထားသည့္ တပ္ဖြဲ႔ဝင္မ်ားက ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံ၏ အခ်ဳပ္အျခာအာဏာကို ဝင္ေရာက္က်ဴးေက်ာ္ ေစာ္ကားေနသည္ကို လံုျခံဳေရးမ်ား တင္းက်ပ္စြာ ခ်ထား၍ ကာကြယ္သည့္အခ်ိန္ ၂ ပတ္ေက်ာ္လာခ်ိန္တြင္မူ ထိုသို႔ ရူးရူးမိုက္မိုက္ပင္ ေဘးပတ္ဝန္းက်င္က ျမင္သာေအာင္ မီးထြန္းမည့္သူ မရွိေတာ့ပါ။ထိုင္းစစ္သားမ်ားႏွင့္ KNLA တပ္ဖြဲ႔ဝင္မ်ားက ေနဝင္မီးၿငိမ္းအမိန္႔ကို ေကာင္းစြာ ေစာင့္ၾကပ္ၾကည့္ရႈေနသည့္အတြက္ ညတိုင္လွ်င္ သူတို႔၏ ယာယီတဲအိမ္မ်ားမွ အျပင္သို႔ ထြက္လာသူဟူ၍ မရွိပါ။လြန္ခဲ့ေသာ ၂ ပတ္ကဆိုလွ်င္ စခန္းကို ည ၈ နာရီ ၄၅ မိနစ္တိတိတြင္ ပိတ္သည္။ သို႔ေသာ္ 'ယခုအခါတြင္ အေျခအေနမ်ား အေတာ္ေအးေဆးသြားပါၿပီ' ဟု စခန္းတြင္း ေနထိုင္သူတဦးက ေျပာသည္။လြန္ခဲ့ေသာ ရက္သတၱပတ္ အနည္းငယ္ကဆိုလွ်င္ ကရင္တပ္ဖြဲ႔၏ ခြဲထြက္အဖြဲ႔တဖြဲ႔ျဖစ္ၿပီး၊ စစ္အစိုးရႏွင့္ ေပါင္းစည္းထားသည့္ ဒီမိုကရက္တစ္ ဗုဒၶဘာသာတပ္မေတာ္ (DKBA) က အရွက္နည္းစြာ အၾကိမ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ ဝင္ေရာက္တိုက္ခိုက္ခဲ့သည့္အတြက္ အားလံုးေနစရာမရွိ ရင္တမမ ေနခဲ့ၾကရသည္။စခန္းတြင္း ေနထိုင္သူမ်ားမဟုတ္သည့္ ကရင္မ်ားျဖစ္ေသာ အဆိုပါ DKBA 'သူလွ်ဳိ' မ်ားမွာ ညအေမွာင္ကို အကာအကြယ္ယူကာ စခန္းအနီးတဝိုက္ ၄ ရက္ဆက္တိုက္ ေခ်ာင္းေျမာင္းလႈပ္ရွားေနသည္ကို ေတြ႔ရွိဖမ္းမိခဲ့သည္။စခန္းလံုၿခံဳေရး တာဝန္က်အရာရွိမ်ား အလြန္အမင္း စိုးရိမ္ထိတ္လန္႔ကာ စခန္းအနီးတဝိုက္ တင္းမာမႈအျပင္းထန္ဆံုး အေျခအေနတြင္ အဆိုပါ သူလွ်ဳိတဦးကို ဖမ္းဆီးကြပ္မ်က္ခဲ့သည္။အခုထိဖမ္းမိတာ ၉ ေယာက္ ၁ဝ ေယာက္ေလာက္ရွိၿပီ" ဟု စခန္းတြင္း လုပ္ကိုင္ေနသည့္ ႏိုင္ငံျခားသား ေက်ာင္းဆရာ တဦးက ေျပာသည္။ သူ စာသင္ၾကားေပးေနသည့္ အဂၤလိပ္စကားေျပာသင္တန္း (ESC) ၏ ေကာ္မတီဝင္တဦးဆိုလွ်င္ သြားရင္းလာရင္း တည၌ ထိုလူမ်ား ၃ ဦးကို ပက္ပင္းတိုးမိခဲ့သည္ဟု ဆိုသည္။သူ႔ေက်ာင္းကို တကၠသိုလ္အစား 'သင္တန္း' (Course) ဟု တမင္ေျပာင္းလႊဲ အမည္ေပးထားရသည္။ တကၠသိုလ္ဆိုလွ်င္ အၿမဲတမ္း သေဘာေဆာင္၍ ထိုင္းအာဏာပိုင္မ်ားက ခြင့္မျပဳေသာေၾကာင့္ျဖစ္သည္။အလြန္ျပင္းထန္ေသာ တိုက္ပြဲမ်ားသည္ ႏိုဖိုး စခန္းႏွင့္ ၁ဝ ကီလိုမီတာ အနီးတဝိုက္တြင္ပင္ အနီးကပ္ ျဖစ္ပြားလ်က္ရွိသည္။ေျမာက္ဘက္ရွိ စခန္းတခုကို ယခုႏွစ္အေစာပိုင္းက လက္လႊတ္ဆံုးရံႈးသြားခဲ့သည့္ KNLA အထူးတပ္ရင္း ၁ဝ၃ မွ တပ္ႂကြင္းတပ္က်န္မ်ားကို ဒီေကဘီေအ တပ္မ်ားက ေနာက္မွ လိုက္လံတိုက္ခိုက္ေနျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။KNLA တပ္မ်ားကလည္း ျမင့္သထက္ျမင့္ေသာ ေတာင္ကုန္းမ်ားရွိရာ ေတာင္ဘက္ဆီသို႔သာ ဆုတ္ခြာေနၿပီး လမ္းတြင္မိုင္းမ်ား ေထာင္ထားခဲ့ၾကသည္။ ထိုမိုင္းမ်ားေၾကာင့္ DKBA တပ္ဖြဲ႔ဝင္မ်ား အဆက္မျပတ္ ဒဏ္ရာရေနၿပီး၊ ထိုင္းအစိုးရ ဖြင့္လွစ္ထားသည့္ အုန္းဖန္ေဆး႐ံုသို႔ ဒဏ္ရာျပင္းထန္သူမ်ား တက္ေရာက္ကုသခံေနၾကသည္။တပ္ရင္း ၁ဝ၃ ၏ အေျခခံစခန္းသည္ ကရင္ျပည္နယ္အတြင္း KNLA တပ္မဟာ ၆ ၏ ေနာက္ဆံုးက်န္ေသာ စခန္း ၂ ခုအနက္တခု ျဖစ္သည္။ ထုိ႔ေၾကာင့္ ဤစခန္းက်ဆံုးသြားျခင္းသည္ ေျမာက္ဘက္ရွိ ဝါးေလခီး စခန္းတခုသာ က်န္ေတာ့သည္ဆိုသည့္ အဓိပၸာယ္ပင္ျဖစ္သည္။ကရင္လူမ်ဳိးမ်ား အသိအမွတ္ျပဳခံရေရးအတြက္ တိုက္ပြဲဝင္ေနသည့္ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားတို႔၏ တိုက္ပြဲကို လူသားခ်င္းစာနာသည့္ အေထာက္အပံ့အကူအညီ ရန္ပံုေငြမ်ား ေပးအပ္ေနသည့္ ႏိုင္ငံျခားသား အလႉရွင္တဦးက ယခုအခါ KNLA တပ္မႉးမ်ားသည္ ဝါးေလခီးစခန္းလည္း က်ဆံုးေတာ့မည္ဆိုသည္ကို လက္ခံထားၾကၿပီဟု ေျပာသည္။"က်ေနာ္ထင္တယ္၊ အင္အားခ်င္း မမွ်တာေၾကာင့္ ေသနဂၤဗ်ဴဟာအရ စဥ္းစားရင္ တပ္သားေတြ လံုၿခံဳေရးအတြက္ သူတို႔ကို လႈပ္ရွားခိုင္းေနတာက ပိုေကာင္းတယ္ထင္တယ္" ဟု သူက ေျပာသည္။DKBA ႏွင့္ နအဖ တပ္မ်ား ဝါးေလခီးစခန္းကို တိုက္ရန္ ဟန္ျပင္ေနသည္မွာ ရက္သတၱပတ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ ၾကာၿပီျဖစ္ေသာ္လည္း ယခုအထိေတာ့ ေနာက္ဆံုး ထိုးစစ္ဆင္ျခင္းမ်ား မျပဳလုပ္ေသးပါ။သို႔ေသာ္ ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံကမူ ဝါးေလခီးစခန္း က်ႏိုင္သည္ဆိုသည္ကို တြက္ထားၿပီး နယ္စပ္ကို ေသခ်ာစြာ ပိတ္ဆို႔၍ ေစာင့္ၾကပ္ကင္းလွည့္ျခင္းမ်ား ျပဳလုပ္ေနသည္။ စစ္သားမ်ားႏွင့္ အရပ္သားမ်ား တိုက္ပြဲနယ္ေျမမွ ထြက္ေျပး၍ ထိုင္းနယ္နိမိတ္ထဲ ဝင္ေရာက္မလာႏိုင္ေအာင္ ကာကြယ္ေစာင့္ၾကပ္ထားျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။ထိုသို႔ DKBA ႏွင့္ နအဖတပ္မ်ား မဝင္ေသးဘဲ ဆိုင္းေနျခင္းမွာ "သူတို႔က အေလာသံုးဆယ္ မဝင္ဘူးေလ၊ ဒီေနရာမွာ ေထာင္ေခ်ာက္မိုင္းေတြ ဆင္ထားမယ္ဆုိတာ သိေနေတာ့ ဘယ္ဝင္မလဲ၊ အဲဒီမွာ ဘယ္သူမွ ရွိမွာမဟုတ္ဘူး" ဟု ႏိုင္ငံျခားသား အလႉရွင္က ရွင္းျပသည္။"အဲဒီထဲဝင္ရင္ အထိအခိုက္မ်ားမယ္ဆိုတာ သူတုိ႔သိတယ္ေလ"'အနိ႒ာ႐ံုကင္းသည့္ႏိုင္ငံ' စာအုပ္ ေရးသားသူ ဘီနီဒစ္ေရာ္ဂ်ာ (Benedict Rogers) က တပ္ရင္း ၁ဝ၃ ၏ အဆံုးအ႐ံႈးမ်ားကို ေကာ္ဖီေသာက္ရင္း လြမ္းလြမ္းေဆြးေဆြး ေျပာသည္။"က်ေနာ္က ဒီေနရာကို တႏွစ္ကို ၂ ေခါက္ ၃ ေခါက္ ေရာက္ေနတာ ခင္ဗ်ား သိသားပဲ။ တခါလာရင္ ေနာက္ထပ္ နယ္ေျမတခု ဆံုး႐ံႈးေနၿပီ""ကရင္ေတြ (KNU/KNLA) ေတြေတာ့ ထပ္ထပ္ၿပီး အေဆာ္ခံေနရေတာ့တာပဲ" ဟု သူက ေခါင္းတခါခါျဖင့္ ေျပာသည္။သူ၏ ယခုတေခါက္ ခရီးစဥ္တြင္ မစၥတာေရာ္ဂ်ာသည္ KNU ၏ ေခါင္းေဆာင္သစ္မ်ားႏွင့္ ေတြ႔ဆံုမည္ျဖစ္ၿပီး၊ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ ေအးခ်မ္းသာယာေရးႏွင့္ ဖြံ႔ၿဖိဳးေရးေကာင္စီ (SPDC) ႏွင့္ တိုက္ခိုက္ေနရသည့္ တိုက္ပြဲတြင္ ဤေခါင္းေဆာင္သစ္မ်ားက အားသစ္ေလာင္းေပးႏိုင္လိမ့္မည္ဟု သူက ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ထားသည္။"ခင္ဗ်ားသိတဲ့အတိုင္း ပဒိုမန္းရွာ ေသဆံုးၿပီးကတည္းက တကယ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ႏိုင္တဲ့ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မႈရယ္လို႔ မရွိေတာ့တာ" (ပဒိုမန္းရွာသည္ KNU ၏ အေထြေထြအတြင္းေရးမႉးေဟာင္းျဖစ္ၿပီး၊ ၂ဝဝ၈ ခုႏွစ္ ေဖေဖာ္ဝါရီလ ၁၄ ရက္ေန႔က သူ႔ေနအိမ္တြင္ လုပ္ၾကံခံရ၍ ကြယ္လြန္သြားခဲ့သည္။)"သူက အယူအဆမတူတဲ့သူေတြ၊ ဘာသာမတူတဲ့သူေတြ အားလံုးကို စုစည္းထားႏိုင္တဲ့သူ၊ ဒီမိုကေရစီအဖြဲ႔အစည္း ေတာ္ေတာ္မ်ားမ်ားနဲ႔လည္း အခ်ိတ္အဆက္ရွိေအာင္ ထိန္းထားႏိုင္တယ္။ သူကေတာ့ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ခ်က္ၾကီးၾကီးရွိခဲ့တဲ့ သူပဲ"ကရင္ျပည္နယ္အတြင္းစတင္ခဲ့ေသာ နအဖ (SPDC) ၏ ေနာက္ဆံုးထိုးစစ္မ်ားသည္ ယခုအခါ ရွမ္းျပည္နယ္ႏွင့္ ကရင္နီျပည္နယ္မ်ားအတြင္းသို႔ ေရာက္ရွိသြားၿပီျဖစ္ၿပီး၊ ၂ဝ၁ဝ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲမတိုင္ခင္ ကိုယ္ပိုင္ျပဌာန္းခြင့္အတြက္ လက္နက္ကိုင္ တိုက္ခိုက္ေနၾကေသာ သူပုန္အဖြဲ႔မ်ားကို ဦးက်ဳိးသြားေအာင္လုပ္သည့္ အစီအစဥ္၏ အစိတ္အပိုင္းတရပ္ပင္ျဖစ္သည္ဟု မစၥတာေရာ္ဂ်ာက ေျပာသည္။ဤအဆိုကို မဲေဆာက္ရွိ ျမန္မာအတိုက္အခံမ်ားကလည္း သေဘာတူသည္။ ေနာက္ႏွစ္ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲမတိုင္မီ လက္နက္ကိုင္အဖြဲ႔မ်ားကို လက္ရွိျပဳလုပ္ေနေသာ အလြန္ျပင္းထန္သည့္ ထိုးစစ္ၾကီးမ်ားျဖင့္ အင္အားခ်ိနဲ႔ေအာင္ လုပ္ၿပီး အပစ္အခတ္ရပ္စဲေရးစာခ်ဳပ္ လက္မွတ္ေရးထိုးျဖစ္ေအာင္ ဖိအားေပးလိမ့္မည္ဟု သူတုိ႔က ဆိုသည္။မစၥတာေရာ္ဂ်ာက သူစိုးရိမ္ေနသည္မွာ စစ္အစိုးရ၏ အလြန္အကၽြံ ရန္လုိေနေသာ လုပ္ရပ္မ်ားေၾကာင့္ စိတ္အေႏွာင့္အယွက္ျဖစ္၊ စိတ္တိုေဒါသထြက္ေနေသာ ႏိုင္ငံတကာ အသိုင္းအဝိုင္းအေနျဖင့္ ဘယ္ေလာက္ပင္ မယံုေသာ္လည္း အေပၚယံေရႊမံႈၾကဲမွ်ပင္ျဖစ္ေစ၊ ေခတၱခဏ ေအးေဆးၿငိမ္သက္သြားသည္ကို လက္ခံလိုက္လိုစိတ္ ေပၚလာမည္ကိုပင္ ျဖစ္သည္ဟု သူက ဆုိသည္။"ဒါအာရွႏိုင္ငံေတြမွာ အထူးသျဖင့္ ေတြ႔ရတာမ်ဳိးပဲ။ သူတုိ႔က လက္ရွိအေျခအေနကို ၿငီးေငြ႔ေနၾကၿပီ" ဟု သူက ေျပာသည္။ႏိုဖိုး ဒုကၡသည္စခန္းရွိ 'တရားဝင္' ဒုကၡသည္အေရအတြက္မွာ ၁၄ဝဝဝ ခန္႔သာ ရွိသည္။ သို႔ေသာ္ အပတ္တုိင္းပင္ ထိုင္းပြဲစားမ်ားက ကားမ်ား၊ ထရပ္ကားမ်ားျဖင့္တင္၍ လူသစ္မ်ား လာပို႔ေနၾကေသာေၾကာင့္ စခန္းရွိလူဦးေရမွာ အစဥ္လိုပင္ တိုးပြားေနသည္။ေျခာက္ေသြ႔ရာသီတြင္ အသြားအလာ လြယ္ကူေသာ စခန္းမ်ားသို႔ အဆက္မျပတ္ ဝင္ေရာက္လာေနၾကသည့္ အစိုးရ မဟုတ္ေသာ အဖြဲ႔အစည္းမ်ား (NGO) ၊ ခရစ္ယာန္အသင္းအဖြဲ႔မ်ား၊ ႏိုင္ငံျခားသား ေစတနာ့ဝန္ထမ္း ဆရာမ်ားက ေမ့ေပ်ာက္သြားျခင္းခံရသည့္ ဒုကၡသည္စခန္းရွိ ဒုကၡသည္အမ်ားစုမွာ မဲေဆာက္မွ ႏို႔ဖိုးသြားဖို႔ပင္ ဘတ္ ၅ဝဝဝ ကုန္မွ ေရာက္သည္။ႏိုဖိုးတြင္ ယခုအပတ္အထိ ရွိေနေသာ ေက်ာင္းသား ၆ဝဝ ေက်ာ္၏ တဦးတည္းေသာ ႏိုင္ငံျခားသားေက်ာင္းဆရာ ကားလ္ဘေရာင္း (Carl Browne) က ဝရမ္းေျပးတေယာက္အတြက္ ႏို႔ဖိုး ေရာက္ၿပီဆိုလွ်င္ သူ႔အတြက္ လံုျခံဳသြားၿပီဟု ေျပာသည္။"အဲဒါမွ တကယ့္ျပႆႆနာ" ဟု သူက ဆိုသည္။"မဲေဆာက္ကေန သိပ္ေဝးတဲ့ေနရာမွာ ေနေနရေတာ့ က်ေနာ္တို႔လည္း တေယာက္ထဲ ေအးေအးပဲ ေနခ်င္တယ္။ အားလံုးကို ေမ့ထားခ်င္တယ္။ က်ေနာ္တို႔မွာ အင္တာနက္ကေဖးေတြလည္း ရွိတယ္။ ေစ်းဆိုင္ေတြလည္း ရွိတယ္""ႏိုင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားေဟာင္းေတြ ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕က ထြက္လာၿပီး၊ ႏို႔ဖိုးမွာ ဒုကၡသည္လာေလွ်ာက္တာ၊ တက္ႂကြလႈပ္ရွားသူေတြ လာေလွ်ာက္တာ ပိုပိုမ်ားလာေနတယ္။ မယ္လစခန္းထက္ေတာင္ မ်ားေသးတယ္""ဒါေၾကာင့္လည္း ႏို႔ဖိုးက တကယ္ဖိအားေပးခံေနရတာ။ စစ္အစိုးရကလည္း ဒီစခန္းကို ေနာက္ႏွစ္မတိုင္ခင္ ရွင္းပစ္ခ်င္ေနတာ" ဟု သူက ေျပာသည္။ႏို႔ဖိုးတြင္ ေနသူမ်ားကလည္း သူတို႔စခန္းကို စစ္အစိုးရက ရွင္းပစ္ခ်င္ေန၊ ဖ်က္ဆီးခ်င္ေနသည္ကို ေကာင္းေကာင္းသိသည္။"ဒုကၡပဲ။ DKBA ကလည္း ထိုင္းဒုကၡသည္စခန္းမႉးကိုေတာင္ ဆက္သြယ္ၿပီး၊ ခင္ဗ်ားလူေတြ ထြက္ခိုင္းလိုက္၊ က်ေနာ္တို႔ဆီ လာၿပီး မီးရိႈ႔ပစ္လိုက္ေတာ့မယ္လုိ႔ ေျပာတယ္တဲ့" ဟု မစၥတာဘေရာင္းက ေျပာသည္။
ဒယ္နီယယ္ ပီဒါဆင္
တနဂၤေႏြေန႔၊ ေဖေဖၚဝါရီလ 01 2009 00:00 - ျမန္မာစံေတာ္ခ်ိန္

ကရင္ ေတာ္လွန္ေရး သက္တမ္း ႏွစ္ ၆၀ ျပည့္ခဲ့

Monday, 02 February 2009 19:58 ေအးခ်မ္းေျမ႕

ႏွစ္ ၆၀ ျပည့္ ကရင္ ေတာ္လွန္းေရးေန႔ အခမ္းအနားက ကရင္ ေတာ္လွန္ေရး အဆက္ဆက္တြင္ ပါဝင္ခဲ့ေသာ မ်ိဳးဆက္ေဟာင္း ေတာ္လွန္ေရး သမားႀကီးမ်ားႏွင့္ မ်ိဳးဆက္သစ္ ကရင္ လူငယ္မ်ား အတြက္ ေပါင္းကူးတံတား ထိုးေပးလိုက္သလို ျမင္ေတြ႕ခဲ့ရသည္။ဇန္နဝါရီ ၃၁ ရက္ေန႔က ႏွစ္ ၆၀ တင္းတင္း ျပည့္ခဲ့ၿပီျဖစ္ေသာ ကရင္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးေန႔ ႏွစ္ပတ္လည္ အခမ္းအနား ကို ကရင္ျပည္နယ္အတြင္းရွိ ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသား အစည္းအ႐ံုး (ေကအန္ယူ) တပ္မဟာ ၇ နယ္ေျမအတြင္း က်င္းပခဲ့ရာ ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသား လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရး တပ္မေတာ္ (ေကအန္အယ္လ္ေအ) တပ္သားမ်ား၊ ကရင္တိုင္းရင္းသားမ်ား အပါအဝင္ ဧည့္သည္စုစုေပါင္း ၅ ေထာင္ေက်ာ္ တက္ေရာက္ခဲ့သည္ဟု တာဝန္ရွိသူ မ်ားက ေျပာၾကားသည္။

အခမ္းအနားမက်င္းပမီ ညကတည္းက ဧည့္ပရိသတ္ ၅၀၀၀ ခန္႔ ႀကိဳတင္ ေရာက္ရွိေနရာ ခ်က္ထားသည့္ ထမင္းဟင္းမ်ားပင္ ျပတ္လပ္သြားၿပီး တဲခိုေဆာင္မ်ား မေလာက္သျဖင့္ ျမက္ခင္းေပၚတြင္ ေကာက္႐ိုးမ်ားခင္းကာ အိပ္ခဲ့ရသည္ဟု အခမ္းအနားတက္ေရာက္သည့္ ဧည့္သည္တဦးက ေျပာျပသည္။အခန္းအနားစင္ျမင့္ေဘးတြင္ လံုၿခံဳေရး တာဝန္ယူထားကာ ေသနတ္ကိုင္၍ ၿငိမ္သက္စြာရပ္ေနေသာ ေကအန္ယူ တပ္သားေလးကို လာသမွ်ပရိသတ္ အေတာ္မ်ားမ်ားက ဓာတ္ပံု တျဖတ္ျဖတ္ ႐ိုက္ယူေနၾကသည္။ ဓာတ္ပံု႐ိုက္သူမ်ား မ်ားျပားကာ အခမ္းအနားစင္ျမင့္ကို ကြယ္ၾကသျဖင့္ အခမ္းအနားမႉးက မၾကာခဏ သတိေပး ေနရသည္။ ထိုေန႔ အခမ္းအနားတြင္ လြန္ခဲ့သည့္ ႏွစ္ ၆၀၊ ကရင္ေတာ္လွန္ေရး စတင္ခ်ိန္ကတည္းက ပါဝင္ဆင္ႏႊဲခဲ့ေသာ ကရင္ေတာ္လွန္ေရး ရဲေဘာ္ေဟာင္းႀကီး ၁၆ ဦးကို ဂုဏ္ျပဳျခင္း အစီအစဥ္တရပ္ ပါဝင္သည္။ ထို ၁၆ ဦးထဲတြင္ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ တာမလာေဘာ၊ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မူတူးတို႔ ကဲ့သို႔ေသာ ေကအန္ယူ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား ပါဝင္ၿပီး ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ တာမလာ ေဘာကေတာ့ အခန္းအနားသိို႔ တက္ေရာက္ႏိုင္ျခင္း မရွိေပ။ျမန္္မာျပည္ လြတ္လပ္ေရး ရၿပီးခ်ိန္မွ စ၍ ေနာက္ပိုင္းတြင္ တိုင္းျပည္တြင္း၌ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး၊ ဒီမိုကေရစီ အခြင့္အေရးမ်ား တျဖည္းျဖည္း ဆံုး႐ႈံးလာခဲ့ရာ ေကအန္ယူက တျခားေသာ တိုင္းရင္းသားမ်ား၊ တျခားေသာ ႏိုင္ငံေရးေခါင္းေဆာင္ မ်ားႏွင့္ လက္တြဲကာ တိုင္းျပည္ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး အတြက္ တိုက္ပြဲဝင္ခဲ့ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္ဟု ထိုင္း - ျမန္မာ နယ္စပ္၊ မဲေဆာက္ၿမိဳ႕ရွိ မယ္ေတာ္ေဆးခန္းကို တည္ေထာင္သူ ေဒါက္တာ စင္သီယာေမာင္က ေျပာသည္။“အဲဒီကတည္းက တိုက္ပြဲေတြမွာ ပါဝင္ခဲ့တဲ့ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြအတြက္ ဒီေနရာကေန ဂါရဝ ျပဳပါတယ္” ဟု ၎က ဆိုသည္။ကရင္ေတာ္လွန္ေရး စတင္ခ်ိန္မွာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံလြတ္လပ္ေရးရၿပီး တႏွစ္အၾကာ ၁၉၄၉ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ျဖစ္ၿပီး ထိုေန႔က ဂုဏ္ျပဳခံရသည့္ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးရဲေဘာ္ေဟာင္းမ်ားမွာ ထိုစဥ္ကတည္းက တိုက္ပြဲတြင္ ပါဝင္ခဲ့သူမ်ား ျဖစ္သည္။“ကရင္တိုင္းရင္းသားေတြ လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးအတြက္ တိုက္ပြဲဆက္ဝင္ေနဦးမွာပဲ။ က်ေနာ္တို႔ ပန္းတိုင္ကို မေရာက္မခ်င္း ဆက္သြားေနမွာပါ” ဟု ဂုဏ္ျပဳခံ ရဲေဘာ္ေဟာင္းမ်ားထဲမွ တဦးျဖစ္သူ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မူတူးက ေျပာသည္။ ကရင္ေတာ္လွန္းေရးေန႔ အခမ္းအနားကို အဖြဲ႕အစည္း အသီးသီးက ဂုဏ္ျပဳသဝဏ္လႊာေပးပို႔ၿပီး ျမန္မာ စစ္အစိုးရ အတိုက္အခံ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းတခ်ိဳ႕က ဂုဏ္ျပဳစကား ေျပာၾကားရာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံလံုးဆိုင္ရာ ဒီမိုကရက္တစ္ ေက်ာင္း သားမ်ားတပ္ဦး၏ ဥကၠဌ ကိုသံခဲက “ကရင့္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးက သမိုင္းရွိပါတယ္၊ ရွင္းပါတယ္၊ သန္႔ပါတယ္၊ တရား ပါတယ္၊ မွန္ပါတယ္။ ဒီသမိုင္းဟာ ဒီမိုကေရစီရဲ႕သမိုင္း၊ အႏွိပ္စက္ခံ ျပည္သူေတြရဲ႕ သမိုုင္းျဖစ္ပါတယ္” ဟု ေျပာၾကားသြားသည္။ဆက္လက္၍ ၎က ယခုေခတ္သည္ လူသားအားလံုး တန္းတူ အခြင့္အေရး အညီအမွ်ရရွိၿပီး လူ႔အဖြဲ႕အစည္းကို ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းသာယာစြာ အတူလက္တြဲ တည္ေဆာက္ရမည့္ ေခတ္၊ ရင္ေပါင္တန္းကာ ခ်ီတက္ရမည့္ ေခတ္ျဖစ္ေသာ ေၾကာင့္ ကရင့္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ႀကီးမ်ား ခ်မွတ္က်င့္သံုးခဲ့သည့္ ကရင္တက်ပ္၊ ဗမာတက်ပ္ ဆိုသည္မွာ တရားၿပီး ေတာ္လွန္ေရး ေခါင္းေဆာင္ႀကီးမ်ား၏ ခုခံစစ္၊ ေတာ္လွန္စစ္ႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ ေက်ာင္းသားမ်ားက ေထာက္ခံသည္ဟု ဆိုသည္။“ဒါ့အျပင္ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ ေက်ာင္းသားမ်ားရဲ႕ ေပးဆပ္မႈ အမ်ားစုဟာ ကရင့္နယ္ေျမထဲမွာ အေျချပဳခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဆက္လက္ လက္တြဲ တိုက္ပြဲဝင္မယ္လို႔ ဒီေနရာကေန သစၥာ အဓိဌာန္ျပဳပါတယ္” ဟုလည္း ကိုသံခဲက ေျပာၾကား သြားသည္။ကရင္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးကို ကရင္ေတာ္လွန္ေရး အမ်ိဳးသားေခါင္းေဆာင္ ေစာဘဦးႀကီး ဦးေဆာင္ခဲ့သည္။ သို႔ရာတြင္ ၁၉၉၅ ခုႏွစ္က စတင္၍ ကရင္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးမွာ ကံဆိုးမႈမ်ားႏွင့္ ႀကံဳေတြ႕ခဲ့ရသည္ဟု ဆိုရေပမည္။ ဌာနခ်ဳပ္တည္ရွိရာ မာနယ္ပေလာေဒသ က်ဆံုးခဲ့သည္။ ထို႔ျပင္ ထိုစဥ္က ျမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရ၏ သပ္လွ်ိဳေသြး ခြဲမႈေၾကာင့္ ကရင္တိုင္းရင္းသားအခ်င္းခ်င္း ဗုဓၵဘာသာႏွင့္ ခရစ္ယာန္ကြဲခဲ့ရၿပီး တိုးတက္ေသာ ဗုဒၶဘာသာ ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသား တပ္ဖြဲ႕ (ဒီေကဘီေအ) ေပၚေပါက္ခဲ့ရသည္။“ကရင္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးဟာ ဟိုးတုန္းက အင္အားႀကီးမားခဲ့ေပမယ့္ ေနာက္ပိုင္း စစ္ေရးကိုအေျချပဳလြန္းတာေၾကာင့္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးဘက္မွာ အာနည္းခဲ့တယ္။ မျဖစ္သင့္တာျဖစ္ခဲ့ရတယ္။ ဥပမာ ဒီေကဘီေအ ေပၚေပါက္လာတာမ်ိဳး၊ အခ်ိန္မဟုတ္ဘဲ အစိုးရဖြဲ႕တာမ်ိဳးေပါ့” ဟု ရခိုင္ေက်ာင္းသားတပ္မေတာ္၏ တာဝန္ရွိသူတဦးျဖစ္သည့္ ကုိခိုင္လင္းေအာင္က သံုးသပ္ေျပာဆုိသည္။ ရခိုင္ေက်ာင္းသားတပ္မေတာ္အေနႏွင့္ ယခုအခါ စနစ္တက် မဖြဲ႕စည္း ရေသးေသာ္လည္း ေကအန္ယူႏွင့္ ေပါင္းစည္းကာ ျမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရကို ေတာ္လွန္သြားမည္ဟု သူက ဆိုသည္။မႏွစ္က လုပ္ႀကံခံခဲ့ရသည့္ ဖဒိုမန္းရွာလားဖန္ အေထြေထြအတြင္းေရးမႉးအျဖစ္ တာဝန္ယူသည့္ ကာလတြင္ေတာ့ ႏိုင္ငံေရးက စစ္ေရးကို ဦးေဆာင္မႈေပးလာႏုိင္ခဲ့သည္ဟု သူက ဆက္ေျပာသည္။“ေကအန္ယူဆိုေပမယ့္ က်ေနာ့္အျမင္ေျပာရရင္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံေတာ္လွန္ေရး တခုလံုးကို ကိုယ္စားျပဳတယ္။ ေကအန္ယူရဲ႕ အရိပ္အာဝါသေအာက္မွာ တပ္ေပါင္းစုေတြ၊ တပ္ဖြဲ႕ေတြ၊ အစုိးရေတြက စနစ္တက် သြားႏုိင္တယ္။ အဲလို သြားႏိုင္ဖို႔လည္း ေကအန္ယူက အမ်ားႀကီးပံ့ပိုးေပးတယ္” ဟု ကိုခိုင္လင္းေအာင္က သံုးသပ္သည္။ကရင္ေတာ္လွန္ေရး ႏွစ္ ၆၀ ျပည့္အခမ္းအနားမွာ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအခမ္းအနားတခုသာမဟုတ္ဘဲ ကြဲကြာေနသည့္ ကရင္ တိုင္းရင္းသားမ်ား ျပန္လည္ဆံုဆည္းသည့္ ပြဲတခုအျဖစ္လည္း ျမင္ေတြ႕ရသည္။ ေဒသတြင္းရွိ ကရင္ တိုင္းရင္းသားမ်ားသာမက ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရာက္ေနသူမ်ားပါ ယခုအခမ္းအနားကို လာေရာက္ ဆင္ႏႊဲတာ ေတြ႕ရသည္။ ယမန္ႏွစ္ ေဖေဖာ္ဝါရီ ၁၄ ရက္ေန႔က က်ဆံုးခဲ့ေသာ ေကအန္ယူ အေထြေထြအတြင္းေရးမႉး ဖဒိုမန္းရွာလားဖန္း၏ သမီးငယ္ ဇိုရာဖန္းသည္လည္း အဂၤလန္ႏုိင္ငံမွ ေန၍ ေကအန္ယူေတာ္လွန္ေရးႏွစ္ ၆၀ ျပည့္အခမ္းအနား တက္ေရာက္ရန္ ျပန္လာခဲ့သည္။ ဖဒိုမန္းရွာကို ကရင္တိုင္းရင္းသားမ်ားသာမက တျခားေသာ အတိုက္အခံ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းအသီးသီးကပါ ေလးစားၾကရာ ယခုပြဲတြင္ ၎မရွိျခင္းက ကြက္လပ္ႀကီးတခုသဖြယ္ ျဖစ္ခဲ့သည္ဟု အမ်ားက ခံစားၾကရေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။“ျမန္မာစစ္အစုိးရက ကရင္တိုင္းရင္းသားေတြနဲ႔ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြကို ေျခမႈန္းဖို႔ ႀကိဳးစားခဲ့တယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ သူတို႔ ဒီလို လုပ္လို႔ လုံုးဝမရဘူးဆိုတာ ဒီအခမ္းအနားက သက္ေသျပေနပါတယ္” ဟု ဇိုရာဖန္းက ၎အခန္းအနားတြင္ ေႂကြးေၾကာ္ခဲ့သည္။ ဆက္လက္၍သူက အခမ္းအနားကို ေထာင္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာေသာ ပရိသတ္ တက္ေရာက္ လာသည့္အေပၚ အထူးပင္ အံ့ၾသဝမ္းေျမာက္သည္ဟု ေျပာသည္။ဖဒိုမန္းရွာ၏ မိသားစုက ယခုအခါ ဖန္းေဖာင္ေဒးရွင္းဟူ၍ တည္ေထာင္ကာ မိမိေဒသအတြင္း မိမိ၏ျပည္သူလူထု အတြက္ အက်ိဳးရွိမည့္ အလုပ္မ်ားကို လုပ္ေဆာင္ေသာ ကရင္မ်ိဳးဆက္သစ္ လူငယ္မ်ားကို ဆုေပးသြားမည္ ျဖစ္သည္။အေမရိကန္ေဒၚလာ ၂၀၀၀ တန္ေၾကးရွိသည့္ ၎ဆုကို “ဖဒိုမန္းရွာလားဖန္း လူငယ့္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ဆု” ဟု အမည္ ေပးထားသည္။ ကရင္မ်ိဳးဆက္သစ္လူငယ္မ်ားထဲမွ ေဒသတြင္း ေခါင္းေဆာင္မႈျပဳႏိုင္သူ၊ ဆင္းရဲမႈပေပ်ာက္ေရး အတြက္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ႏိုင္သူ၊ ပညာေရးအစီအစဥ္ ျမႇင့္တင္ေပးႏိုင္သူ၊ ဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳးေရးအစီအစဥ္မ်ား ျမႇင့္တင္ ေပးႏုိင္သူႏွင့္ ကရင္ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈကို ထိန္းသိမ္းေဆာင္ရြက္ႏုိင္သူမ်ားအား ၎ဆုကုိ ခ်ီးျမႇင့္သြားမည္ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။ႏွစ္ ၆၀ ျပည့္ ကရင္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးေန႔တြင္ ဖန္းေဖာင္ေဒးရွင္း၏ ပထမဆံုးေသာ ဆုကို ခ်ီးျမႇင့္ခဲ့ရာ နယ္စပ္ေဒသ တြင္ ကရင္တိုင္းရင္းသားမ်ား အသိဥာဏ္ျမင့္မားေအာင္ စြမ္းေဆာင္ ေပးႏုိင္ခဲ့သည့္ မ်ိဳးဆက္သစ္ လူငယ္တဦး ျဖစ္ေသာ ေနာ္ေဖာကဘလာထူး က ဆြတ္ခူးရရွိခဲ့သည္။“က်မ သိပ္ကိုဝမ္းသာပါတယ္။ ကရင္တိုင္းရင္းသားေတြရဲ႕ ဘဝျမႇင့္တင္ေပးေရး လုပ္ငန္းေတြကို တစိုက္ မတ္မတ္ ဆက္လက္ ေဆာင္ရြက္သြားပါ့မယ္” ဟု ေနာ္ေဖာကဘလာထူးက ဆိုသည္။အခမ္းအနားတြင္ ေကအန္ယူ ဒုဥကၠဌ ေစာေဒးဗစ္တာကေပါက စစ္အစိုးရကို ဆက္လက္ေတာ္လွန္သြားမည္ဟု ေျပာၾကားခဲ့သည္။“စစ္တိုက္တယ္ဆိုတာ တခါတေလ ေရွ႕ကိုတိုးတိုက္ရေပမယ့္ တခါတေလ ေနာက္ဆုတ္ရတာရွိတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔လည္း တခါတေလမွာ ေရွ႕ကိုတိုးႏိုင္ဖို႔ ေနာက္ဆုတ္ရတဲ့ အခါမ်ိဳးေတြ ရွိႏိုင္ပါတယ္” ဟုသူက သတင္း ေထာက္မ်ားကို ေျပာသည္။ထိုေန႔က က်င္းပသည့္ အခမ္းအနားမွာ ကရင္လူထုအတြက္ မ်ိဳးဆက္သစ္ႏွင့္ မ်ိဳးဆက္ေဟာင္းမ်ားကို ေပါင္းကူးေပးသည့္ပြဲ၊ မ်ိဳးဆက္သစ္ လူငယ္၏ စြမ္း ေဆာင္ရည္ကို တက္ႏိုင္သေလာက္ ျမႇင့္တင္ေပးသလို ေတာ္လွန္ေရးစတင္ ဆင္ႏႊဲခဲ့သည့္ မ်ိဳးဆက္ေဟာင္း ရဲေဘာ္ႀကီးမ်ားကုိ ဂုဏ္ျပဳကာ သမိုင္းကို ျပန္လည္ ေဖာ္ထုတ္ေပးသည့္ ပြဲျဖစ္သည္။နယ္စပ္ေဒသ တေလွ်ာက္တြင္ ျပည္သူလူထုက ကစဥ့္ကလ်ားေနထိုင္ေနရသည့္ ဘဝ၌ သူတို႔ကိုယ္သူတို႔ ကာကြယ္ရန္ နည္းမ်ိဳးစံုႏွင့္ ႀကိဳးစားေနရသျဖင့္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအရျဖစ္ေစ၊ မိမိ အသက္ရွင္ေနထိုင္ေရးႏွင့္ ဘဝလံုၿခံဳေရးအတြက္ ျဖစ္ေစ လက္နက္ကိုင္စြဲကာ ေတာ္လွန္ေနရဦးမည္ဟု ေဒါက္တာ စင္သီယာေမာင္က ေျပာခဲ့သည္။“ျပင္းထန္တဲ့ ထိုးစစ္ေတြ၊ ၿဖိဳခြဲမႈေတြၾကားမွာ ဆိုေတာ့ အားနည္းလာတဲ့ အပိုင္းေတြ ရွိတယ္။ ကိုယ့္ႏိုင္ငံ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္း ေရးအတြက္ လူငယ္ေတြက ပိုမိုတာဝန္ယူ ထမ္းေဆာင္သင့္ပါတယ္” ဟု သူက ဆိုသည္။ေကအန္ယူ ဂုဏ္ျပဳစစ္ေရးျပတပ္တြင္ တပ္သား အေယာက္ ၉၀ ေက်ာ္ျမင္ေတြ႕ရသည္။ ပြဲကို ကရင္႐ုိးရာ ဒံုးယိမ္း အကျဖင့္ အဆံုးသတ္သည္။ ဒံုးယိမ္းအဖြဲ႕ဝင္ ၃၀၀ ထက္မနည္း ပါဝင္ကျပခဲ့ၾကသည္။

Interview with Padoh Mahn Sha Lah Phan

(This interview was carried out and published for first time in BURMA DIGEST last year, and now presented again here in memory of Padoh Mahn Sha Lah Phan, assassinated today by unkown gunmen.) .
…
BURMA DIGEST: In the recent Martyr’s Day message, the KNU president called on all Karen ‘to uphold the Four Principles of Saw Ba U Gyi and carry on our revolutionary resistance, until final victory is achieved’. How would you define ‘victory’ in 2006, compared with Saw Ba U Gyi’s vision?
Padoh: Saw Ba U Gyi’s four principles are for arm struggle of the Karen Revolution. Further more, now we are using Mass Campaign, Political Campaign, Diplomatic Campaign, International Campaign and Media Campaign. In the future, we need to use these form of struggles.
BURMA DIGEST: The plight of the Karen people has received a good deal of coverage by international media, and support from volunteer groups such as the Free Burma Rangers. Why do you think that the international community governments have not been able to agree on more direct intervention in Burma?
Padoh: The role of the International media is very important for our struggle. We are trying to use it. The support to the Karen struggle and the people struggle of Burma is not the intervention. So international community government needs to support oppressed ethnics and oppressed people in Burma both direct and indirect way. The ethnics and the entire people are the main owner of the country.
BURMA DIGEST: The Karen Human Rights Group reported the current SPDC offensive in Papun district, which sounds like a ‘scorched earth’ policy to clear the area. Is this offensive larger than you have seen before, do you think it will continue in this way next year?
Padoh: Along the Karen revolution history this year SPDC offensive is not the largest, but we can say that this time offensive is the most cruel.
BURMA DIGEST: Some reporters have suggested that the latest offensive has been to move any insurgent groups away from Pyinmana. Does this sound plausible, given the massive build-up of troops at the new capital?
Padoh: For the new capital security, SPDC needs to clean KNU based in Toungoo, but this is not the main cause of SPDC major operation in Toungoo. The main cause is to abolish KNU and Karen people.
BURMA DIGEST: There have a number of recent news items and statements about the relationship between the KNU and the KNLA. The recent ‘KNU statement on topical events’ indicates the SPDC attempt at ‘divide and rule’ policy regarding the KNU and the KNLA, which has obviously failed. Is this just SPDC ‘divide and rule’, or are there divisions as suggested by Kevin Sites’ report on ‘Hotzone’?
Padoh: Different views are not between KNU and KNLA, not between KNU and No. (7) Brigade. It is only (7) Brigade commander and KNU, and KNLA. On this matter, SPDC tries to divide KNU, KNLA and the Karen unity. Now, all the problems have been solved by understanding and unity.
BURMA DIGEST: The recent ‘military alliance’ of the SSA-S/KNPP/KIO issued a statement calling for political reforms in Burma. We obviously noticed that the KNU was not mentioned. What is your view on this?
Padoh: SSA-S/ KNPP and KNO statement is their joint statement. KNU already understood them.

BURMA DIGEST: In the news reports of Johnny Htoo’s recent so-called ‘surrender’, there was mention of Shwe Pyar encouraging refugees from the Thai border to surrender to Rangoon. Did Johnny’s ‘surrender’ surprise you? Is this type of ‘subversion’ commonplace?
Padoh: The God Army is not a systematic revolution. This group based on superstition. In our Karen revolution history, we have seen many superstition groups. All these groups can not stay any longer. SPDC used Shwe Pyar to organize Johnny Htoo to surrender to SPDC.
BURMA DIGEST: What do you think are the threats to the Karen people ad the KNU of the proposed dams along the Salween?
Padoh: The Salween Dam project is threatening Karen people and Karen revolution. So we totally against this project. This project will encourage the SPDC military dictatorship.
BURMA DIGEST: The New Light of Myanmar recently reported that the DKB ‘Association’ was working with the SPDC on agriculture and education projects. However, in April the KNU reported conflicts with both SPDC and DKB Army. What is your current relationship with DKBA?
Padoh: DKBA is not independent. They are under the control of SPDC. DKBA is divided into two parts. One is totally controlled by the SPDC and the other part does not want to stay under the control of SPDC and want to make understanding with KNU. This group does not want anti-mass, does not like drugs. KNU is organizing the second kind of DKBA.
BURMA DIGEST: In the March 2006 article ‘The Breaking of the Dead End’, Htun Aung Gyaw, President, Civil Society For Burma, suggested that the ‘Ethnic minorities must be patient and trust the NLD’s move’, referring to the NLD’s Union Day offer. What is your opinion of this point of view?
Padoh: We, the ethnics understand DASSK, NLD and their roles. But we are not under the control of NLD. On Union Day Proposal, SPDC can get legitimacy. We are worrying for this. If SPDC gets legitimacy, they will use this right and get more long term of military dictatorship rule.
BURMA DIGEST: In the transition to a civilian government in Burma, what do you see as the role for the SPDC and the Tatmadaw?
Padoh: In transitional period, we hope that SPDC will become our dialogue partner and then they will work together with NLD, MP Group, Democratic Party, the people and all the ethnics. After that SPDC cannot stay any longer. For the Burma Army (Tamadaw), we need to reform as Federal Army and stay under the civilian government. But one thing is, it is very difficult to turn SPDC to become a dialogue partner.
BURMA DIGEST: What future do you think there is for the National Convention? Will the constitutions prepared by different ethnic groups form the basis for a new federal constitution for Burma? How much longer do you think the SPDC can stay in power?
Padoh: The national convention is totally controlled by SPDC. It is not a real National Convention. The constitution which based on this NC is only for the legitimacy of military dictatorship which has been ruling for along time. So the National Convention cannot solve the Burma’s problem. In my point of view, I believe that SPDC cannot stay any longer.
BURMA DIGEST: From a personal point of view, what gives you strength on this long road?
Padoh: The main strengths of my revolution life are my father, mother and my people. They are the heroes of my life. My strong belief is the truth and justice, the people, the revolution and self confidence. These are based on my heroes.
BURMA DIGEST: Will KNU make cease-fire agreement with SPDC regime or will continue the revolution for Karen people’s rights for self determination (autonomy)? Is there disagreement/split among KNU leaders concerning making cease-fire with SPDC?
Padoh: May be different people among KNU, KNLA and Karen people have different views on our Karen revolution. But the majority is united in KNU main Principle laid down in 13th KNU congress.
All the Karen is never given up for their self-determination right. We are trying for cease fire but this cease fire is not a kind of surrender, not enter into the legal fold. This is to solve political problems by political mean.
BURMA DIGEST: Anything else you would like to add for the international readers of Burma Digest?
Padoh: All the political parties, all the ethnics have been trying for political meaningful dialogue for along time. UN and international communities are trying for the dialogue as well. But SPDC does not accept it. Now, SPDC is trying to annihilate all the oppositions. We want the international communities to respect the self-determination right of all our people, all our ethnic people and give pressure to SPDC by many ways.
BURMA DIGEST: THANK YOU VERY MUCH INDEED FOR THE INTERVIEW.
[Credits to Feraya, Taisamyone, Zoya and other Karen friends, with whose kind help this interview was carried out.]

Our Deepest Condolences for

Posted by hrpj on February 15, 2008

We are deeply saddened to learn the tragic incident of assassination of Padoh Mahn Sha Lah Phan, a leader of the Karen National Union (KNU) which is one of the biggest ethnic groups fighting the Burmese military rulers.
Padoh Mahn Sha Lah Phan, 64, is the General Secretary of the KNU. He was killed at his two-storey wooden home in Mae Sot, Thailand by unknown gunmen on 14.02.2008, which his son Hse Hse, another senior member of the predominantly Christian Karen rebel movement, blamed a Buddhist Karen splinter group which brokered a truce with the Burmese military rulers in the mid-1990s.
The assassination of Padoh Mahn Sha is an irreparable loss for all pro-democracy and human rights movement of all people of all ethnic races in Burma and also for all freedom loving people of Burma.
On this tragic occasion, we, Rohingya Human Rights Council (RHRC) and the the people of Rohingya ethnic community share the grief and extend our deepest condolences to the family of Padoh Mahn Sha, to his political comrades, to his friends and to his supporters and particularly to the members of the KNU who, we believe, will not lose their courage even for a moment at this cowardly act by the assassins. We hope that the KNU will turn the shock of losing Padoh Mahn Sha into power to continue their struggle to put an end to the plight of the Karen people as well as to the despotic rule of the Burmese military rulers, through Saw Ba U Gyi’s four principles for arm struggle of the Karen Revolution as well as through Mass Campaign, Political Campaign, Diplomatic Campaign, International Campaign and Media Campaign as nourished Padoh Mahn Sha.
With deepest tribute to Padoh Mahn Sha Lah Phan.
A. Rahman FarooqChairmanRohingya Human Rights Council (RHRC)Address: 2975 Vang i Valdres, NorwayContact: +4797413036
Email:rohingyas.rhrc@yahoo.com, rohingyas.rhrc@gmail.com

Phan foundation award given to…

February 2, 2009
info about Phan foundation:
ABOUT THE PHAN FOUNDATIONThe Phan Foundation was founded by the four children of Padoh Mahn Sha, the General Secretary of the Karen National Union, and Nant Kyin Shwe, in their memory. On 14th February 2008 Padoh Mahn Sha was assassinated by agents of Burma’s military dictatorship.The Foundation aims to fight poverty and provide education for Karen people from Burma, who have suffered decades of oppression. It also aims to protect and promote the culture of the Karen, a culture which is being systematically destroyed as part of the Burmese regime’s policy of ethnic cleansing. In meeting its objectives, the Foundation will, in particular, focus on young people, encouraging and supporting a new generation of grassroots activists who will work to help their people.
http://www.zoyaphan.com/

http://www.kwekalu.net/index.html

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88 generation students’ timeline
SASANA MOLI INTERNATIONAL BURMESE MONKS ORGANIZATION
by Daniel PedersenSaturday,
31 January 2009 18:32
Mae Sot (Mizzima) - As night closes in on Noe Poh refugee camp, about five hours south of Mae Sot in northern Thailand bordering town with Burma, the road that skirts its edge clears of people.
By 9 pm, should anyone be reckless enough to light a candle, Karen National Liberation Army, the armed-wing of Karen National Union, one of the longest running ethnic rebels in Asia against the military-ruled Burma, soldiers will quickly ensure it is extinguished.
By now though, after two weeks of bolstered security in the face of intrusions upon Thailand’s sovereignty by Burmese government-backed fighters, mostly no one would be foolish enough to dare light their surroundings.
No one moves from their ramshackle perches in the night, a strict curfew is policed by both Thai soldiers and KNLA foot patrols.
Two weeks ago the camp was shutting down at 8.45 sharp, but one inhabitant said the “situation has calmed down a lot now”.
Just weeks ago brazen sorties by the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army, a break away Karen faction but aligned with the military junta, had everyone on edge.
DKBA “spies”, Karens not part of the camp population, were intercepted creeping around in the darkness four nights in a row.
So paranoid were camp security officers that, at the height of tensions in the area around the camp, one accused spy was arrested and executed.
“I don’t think he had a trial,” said Carl Browne, one of two foreign teachers working at the camp.
“They’ve caught nine or 10 so far,” he said, adding that a committee member of the school at which he teaches, the ESC (for English Speaking Course), came across three in one night.
The word “course” in the school’s name replaces college, because Thai authorities do not allow colleges, which would suggest permanency.
Serious fighting has come as close as 10 kilometres to Noe Poh camp.
The DKBA is pursuing remnants of the KNLA’s 103 Special Battalion, which early this year lost its base camp further north.
As the KNLA unit pulls back into ever-higher mountains in the south it lays landmines, creating a constant stream of DKBA casualties, the most serious of which are admitted to Umphang Hospital, run by the Thai government.
The base camp of 103 was one of the last two KNLA Sixth Brigade footprints in Karen State. Its loss means only Wah Lay Kee, further north, remains.
A foreign donor who helps humanitarian fund the Karen struggle for recognition said he felt KNLA commanders now accepted Wah Lay Kee would also be lost.
“I think, just strategically, because they’re so outnumbered, they figure it is better to keep the soldiers safe by keeping them on the move,” he said.
DKBA and SPDC troops have been poised to take Wah Lay Kee at their liberty for weeks now, but have not yet launched a final push.
But the Thais know Wah Lay Kee is bound to fall and vigilant patrols have sealed the border, waiting to deter any combatants or civilians fleeing the fighting from limping into Thai territory.
The foreign donor explained the apparent reticence of DKBA and SPDC troops thus: “They’re not keen to go in because they know the place will be booby-trapped and there won’t be anyone there.
“And they know they will take casualties.”
Benedict Rogers, author of “A Land Without Evil” lamented 103’s loss over coffee in Mae Sot.
“You know I come here two, maybe three times a year and every visit another bit of land is lost.
“I see that they [KNU/KNLA] are being ground further and further down,” he said, shaking his head.
On this visit Mr Rogers will meet with the KNU’s new leadership, filled with hope the orginization can revitalize its struggle against Burma’s State Peace and Development Council.
“You know since Mahn Sha’s death (the former KNU secretary-general who was assassinated at his home near Mae Sot on February 14, 200 there’s not been any real leadership.
“He was a unifying figure who drew together different strands of opinion, religion and he maintained links with the various democracy groups. He saw the big picture.”
Mr Rogers said the SPDC’s latest offensives, which began in Karen State but have now pushed into Shan and Karenni States, are part of an outright bid to force rebels fighting for self-determination into submission before the 2010 elections.
Burman dissidents in Mae Sot agreed, saying the SPDC would pressure armed groups weakened by the current extreme military offensives to sign ceasefire deals before next year’s poll.
Mr Rogers said he feared the international community, irritated and embarrassed by the junta’s harsh and belligerent excesses, might be willing to accept a veneer of calm, no matter how artificial it might be.
“That’s particularly the case with Asian countries, they’re tired of it,” he said.
The “official” population of Noe Poh camp is about 14,000, but each week new arrivals bolster that figure, as Thai brokers deliver their quarry hidden in cars or trucks.
People living in the camp, which is largely forgotten by the constant stream of foreign volunteer teachers, Christian groups and non-governmental organisations that pour into more accessible camps during the dry season, say passage from Mae Sot to Noe Poh costs about 5000 baht.
Carl Browne, who until this week was the only foreign teacher at Noe Poh and has more than 600 students, says once fugitives make it to Noe Poh, they’re safe.
“The real issue is getting in,” he said.
“But because we’re so far away from Mae Sot, we sort of get forgotten, or left alone – we have internet cafes, we have shops.
“There’s more and more activists seeking refuge at Noe Poh, from Rangoon, former political prisoners, there’s more than in Mae La even.
“That’s why Noe Poh is really under pressure, the junta wants to clean up before next year,” he said.
People living at Noe Poh know full well the junta wants to destroy the camp.
“Hell, the DKBA even contacted the Thai camp commander and said ‘get your people out, we’re coming in to burn it down’,” said Mr. Browne.
“The camp commander said no.”http://www.mizzima.com/

ႏွစ္( ၆၀ )ျပည့္ကရင္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးေန ့အခမ္းအနား ကိုတပ္မဟာ ( ၇)တြင္၂၀၀၉ခုႏွစ္၌က်င္းပျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့သည္၊

ႏွစ္ ၆၀ျပည့္ ကရင္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးေန့ (ဇန္န၀ါရီလ ၃၁ရက္ေန့) ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားမ်ား၏ ကိုယ္ပိုင္လြတ္လပ္မွဳ၊ တန္းတူမွဳ၊ တရားမ်ွတမွဳအတြက္ ေပၚေပါက္လာခဲ့သည့္ ကရင့္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးၾကီးသည္ ဇန္န၀ါရီလ ၃၁ရက္ေန့တြင္ အႏွစ္ ၆၀ျပည့္မည္ျဖစ္သည္။ အႏွစ္ ၆၀အတြင္း အသက္ေသြးေခ်ြး ေပးဆပ္ခဲ့သည့္ အေထာင္အေသာင္းေသာ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးရဲေဘာ္မ်ားကို ဂုဏ္ျပဳလွ်က္။

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